西方国家授权立法监督模式及其对我国的启示

授权立法自产生以来,在社会生活中发挥了重要作用。为防止和避免授权立法对人民的自由和权力可能造成的危害,各国在肯定授权立法的同时,也都建立了各自的授权立法监督模式。本文在考察西方国家授权立法监督模式的基础上,提出了完善我国授权立法监督模式的构想：一是在立法机关中设置专门的机构对授权立法进行监督;二是赋予法院对授权立法（主要是行政机关的授权立法）的司法审查权。     

卫生法学教学改革研究

医学的运用是为了治疗人类生理的疾病，法学的运用则是为了治疗人类社会的疾病。卫生法学作为一门医学与法学的交叉学科，对医学院校的学生具有重要意义。但我国目前卫生法学的教学还存在许多问题，医学院校需要进一步加强卫生法学教育。     

How will we regulate genetic enhancement?

Genetic enhancement technologies present difficult and novel regulatory issues, including the problem of measuring and comparing risks and benefits and dealing with the impact of these technologies on social values. This Article describes and evaluates the potential approaches that may be taken to regulate these technologies. The author concludes that a variety of approaches will be necessary, involving self-regulation, government restrictions on access and use, licensing, and a national lottery.     

新冠疫情背景下妨害传染病防治罪的解释扩张及其回归

新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情中的法律规范适用带来新视角与新问题,在超越可容忍的社会相当性且有刑事可罚追究必要的场合,我国刑法中妨害传染病防治罪的规范适用值得关注。该罪的对象被限定为"甲类传染病",本次新冠肺炎被列为"乙类传染病",从而该罪存在适用上的瓶颈。司法解释的渐进扩张具有唤醒妨害传染病防治罪和注重公共卫生安全法益保护的一面,但是选取的方式难以与刑事法治相契合。为了更好地实现刑法参与社会治理的功能需求,应当对妨害传染病防治罪采取"立法类型化调整、司法解释适度限制"的组合路径,使刑法规范的社会适应性与刑罚处罚的有限性相融合。     

The Tide in Favour of Equality: Same-Sex Marriage in Canada and England and Wales

The tide in favour of legal equality for gay and lesbian individualsand couples continues to roll forward on both sides of the Atlantic.In Canada, the federal Parliament recently passed legislation(the Civil Marriage Act) (CMA) that extends the legal capacityto marry for civil purposes to same-sex couples throughout thecountry. This change in the law was driven not by the executiveand legislative branches of government but by the courts, interpretingand applying the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (theCharter). On the other side of the Atlantic, in England andWales, the Westminster Parliament in 2004 passed legislation(the Civil Partnership Act) (CPA) that will enable same-sexcouples to obtain legal recognition of their relationships,and to access most of the legal rights and responsibilitiesoffered to married couples. However, unlike the Canadian legislation,civil marriages between same-sex couples will still not be legallyrecognized. This article considers whether the English courtswill also facilitate the legal recognition of same-sex civilmarriage, like their Canadian counterparts. The author concludesthat, in light of recent case law, there is an increasinglystrong argument that the opposite-sex marriage requirement inEngland and Wales violates Article 14 (the equality provision)of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which isincorporated into UK law by the Human Rights Act, 1998. However,the author also concludes that there are a number of reasonsto be cautious that a positive result would flow, at this point,from a domestic court challenge to the opposite-sex marriagerequirement.     

我国反家庭暴力的立法研究

家庭暴力破坏家庭的和谐与稳定,已经成为社会的公害。从分析家庭暴力的概念和成因入手,通过对中国立法现状和外国立法经验的总结,从立法、司法层面提出了构建我国未来的家庭暴力防治法的建议。     

犯罪控制的惩罚主义及其效果

1979年以来我国刑事立法和司法忽视或遗忘了刑法的特征与内在价值,高估了刑法影响人的行为的可能性,刑法一直保持着在功能化方向上的惯性,刑罚结构和刑罚适用面临着重刑主义的突出问题。我国的犯罪控制存在着惩罚主义的结构特征,然而惩罚主义的意愿和努力,并没能有效遏制犯罪规模和犯罪的总体严重程度迅猛发展的势头。在刑事政策和刑罚体系的主导思想没有做出重大调整前,刑罚轻缓化的改革仍然任重道远。     

企业慈善捐赠的法律规制

目前，我国企业慈善捐赠法律规制还不完善，企业慈善捐赠定性没有法律依据、立法上缺乏对捐赠企业及受捐者相关权利保障、企业摊捐劝捐现象随处可见。欲解决这些困境。必须在立法上将企业慈善捐赠纳入社会保障体系，明确捐赠企业与受捐人的合法权利，并对企业摊捐劝捐行为予以规制，引导企业主动捐赠。     

我国法治的三大难题及其化解

我国经济、立法、违法犯罪都在高速增长，说明我国法治存在重大偏差。三高态势的背后是法治的三大难题：社会心理和社会制度不能平等地对待每个公民，人性误解成为一切问题的根源；因制度原因部分公务员蜕变成官僚，官僚成为最大的反法治群体，官僚跋扈是我国法治肌体的最大毒瘤；某些法律条文粗糙。应从人性平等到人权平等、强化权力制约机制、精修法律三个方面来化解难题。     

采光权妨害案件相关法律问题研究

目前我国因过度妨害邻人采光而引发的采光权纠纷大量出现,但国内对采光权妨害相关理论和实务问题研究薄弱。认为不同内容的采光权要求不同的采光权妨害构成要件。存在持续的不法妨害行为,妨害行为造成权利人不能获得法律所保护的最低程度的采光需求是必要的条件。此外,也应考虑受害方不动产的合法性及妨害行为与损害结果之间的因果关系。在采光权受到侵害后,权利人可以采取排除采光妨害、消除危险、赔偿损失等合理的救济措施。     

非婚同居立法的法理探析

从维护社会秩序稳定、和谐社会关系出发,我国非婚同居立法应植根于社会生活,遵循一定的法理,积极、有效、稳妥的推进。笔者认为,从法理上厘清并确立非婚同居立法的原则和调整范围是推进这一工程之首要。     

和谐社会呼唤立法平等

和谐社会的核心问题是协调好人与人的利益关系,利益关系在法律上表现为权利义务关系。当前我国出现一些不和谐现象的一个重要原因是立法上的权利义务分配不均。只有立法贯彻普遍平等的原则,赋予每个人平等的权利和义务,做到立法平等,才能使我们的社会利益趋于均衡,实现社会和谐。     

论我国海上货物运输法的统一

今年是我国《海商法》实施十周年 ,值此机会 ,作者分析了海商法实施以来的具体情况并总结了国际和国外立法中的相关经验。在分析我国海事立法现状的基础上 ,从几个不同的侧面 ,论证了我国海上货物运输法律实行双轨制给海运司法实践所带来的负面影响 ,并论述了统一我国海上货物运输法的重大意义以及解决海运立法双轨制问题的建议     

The Genesis of the Austrian Model of Constitutional Review of Legislation

Abstract The European model of the constitutional review of legislation, characterized by the concentration of the constitutional review power in a single constitutional court, had its origin in the Austrian Federal Constitution of 1920. This is all the more remarkable when one considers that this Constitution established at the same time a parliamentary system of government in a fairly radical form. As the author explains, this “invention” of a constitutional court is attributable to two factors. One factor is the federal aspect. The Court was conceived by the framers of the Austrian Federal Constitution of 1920 as an umpire between federal legislation and the legislation of the states or Länder. In this respect it was meant as a substitute for the principle of the priority of federal law over state or Land law. This is manifest in the initial draft of the Constitution, where actions on questions of the constitutionality of legislation could only be brought by the Federal government (against the legislation of one or another of the states or Länder) and by the State or Land governments (against federal legislation). Right from the beginning, however, the Court could examine a parliamentary act ex officio when it had to apply such an act in another proceeding. It was this power of the Court that triggered the development of constitutional review. Its exercise gradually transformed the Court into a guardian of the Constitution as a whole, in particular, the fundamental rights of citizens. The author traces this development in the context of the concept of state and law that prevailed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. This concept included specific restrictions on constitutional review. On the basis of a different understanding of the functions of a constitution, the Court gave up these restrictions and followed the examples of the European Court of Human Rights, the German Constitutional Court and—indirectly—the American Supreme Court.     

Stem cell technologies: regulation, patents and problems

Human embryonic stem cell research promises to deliver in the future a whole range of therapeutic treatments, but currently governments in different jurisdictions must try to regulate this burgeoning area. Part of the problem has been, and continues to be, polarised community opinion on the use of human embryonic stem cells for research. This article compares the approaches of the Australian, United Kingdom and United States governments in regulating human embryonic stem cell research. To date, these governments have approached the issue through implementing legislation or policy to control research. Similarly, the three jurisdictions have viewed the patentability of human embryonic stem cell technologies in their own ways with different policies being adopted by the three patent offices. This article examines these different approaches and discusses the inevitable concerns that have been raised due to the lack of a universal approach in relation to the regulation of research; the patenting of stem cell technologies; and the effects patents granted are having on further human embryonic stem cell research.     

The “Tough on Crime” Competition: a Network Approach to Understanding the Social Mechanisms Leading to Federal Crime Control Legislation in the United States from 1973–2014

The increase in punitive sentiment in America over the last four decades is frequently attributed to changes in criminal justice policies and programs. While scholars have studied the impact of legislation and policy on justice system outcomes, less attention has focused on the role of political actors in legislative bodies who are largely responsible for enacting criminal justice legislation. The current study addresses this gap by examining the social organization of federal crime control policy in the U.S. Congress over a forty-two year period (1973–2014). Drawing from research on social network mechanisms, we examine whether crime control legislation was more politically attractive relative to other legislative topics, and whether Democrats and Republicans pursue these policies by working together or competing against each other. Our results provide novel insight into the mechanisms that contributed to the punitive movement at the federal level.     

Battered women: Implications for social control

This paper examines battered women as a systemic problem of social control, involving three structural phases: structure, deconstruction and reconstruction. At the first phase, woman battering occurs in a context of dependency, including economic, social, political, and emotional subordination that maintains the traditional, male-centered family structure. During phase two, or deconstruction, broad societal changes, including the feminist movement, contributes to altered gender definitions and the emergence of a battered women's movement and practice. During this phase feminists served as the chief reform catalyst, introducing protective legislation, educating the public and organizing women's shelters. Phase three, reconstruction, entails the state's direct involvement in the violent relationship in a series of coercive netwidening actions, including arrest of the offender, forcible separation of the couple, and formal sentencing. On the one hand, state intervention substantially reduces the incidence of violence against women in the home. On the other hand, the power of arrest and detention extends state power into new spheres, as the state exploits social problems and weakened social structures in line with its expanding control agenda. Overbureaucratization during this phase also affects feminist practice, as shelters increasingly take on a social provision, sometimes anti-feminist, orientation that further constrains who can be served. The paper raises questions about the extent to which the reconstruction phase, operating in the interests of dominant groups, contributes to the revictimization of battered women.     

The Contradictions of Immigration Lawmaking: The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986

This paper argues that the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 is a composite of contradictory measures. On one hand, employer sanctions are meant to curtail the employment of undocumented workers and preserve the U.S. labor market for legal residents and citizens; on the other hand, special foreign worker programs are designed to enhance the supply of immigrant workers. In an effort to make sense of these contradictions, the author places the legislation in historical context and proposes a dialectical model of immigration policymaking.     

An Application of Foucauldian Concepts to Youth in the Criminal Justice System: A Case Study

In this paper, I examine the relationship between youth and the Canadian youth justice system within a Foucauldian framework. Of particular interest are the implications inherent in the interconnectedness of agencies and organizations of social control in the classification, detection, and treatment of youth in conflict with the law. I focus my analysis on the policies of one youth correctional facility located in the province of Saskatchewan to provide a practical application of Foucauldian theoretical concepts to an analysis of youth and formal social control. Lauren Eisler completed her Ph.D. in sociology at the University of Saskatchewan and is currently an Assistant Professor of Criminology at the Brantford campus of Wilfrid Laurier University. Her work focuses on the relationship between the institutional control of disadvantaged youth and the public constructions of youth culture as criminogenic. She has done extensive consulting work for government and community organizations in Canada.     

我国地方立法的价值取向研究初探

笔者认为开展地方立法价值取向研究对于搞好我国地方立法工作意义重大。目前我国地方立法在价值取向上表现为 :法制统一的价值取向 ;分权式的价值取向 ;工具式的价值取向等 ,这种取向客观上存在一定程度的偏失。法治统一的价值取向 ;制度创新的价值取向 ;民主、程序、效益的价值取向应成为地方立法诸多价值取向中最本质的内容。