Organizational differentiation and integration: the case of regional economic development policy in Canada

Abstract: Over the past two and a half decades regional development policy and administration has gone through at least five distinct stages: in 1961 the government started with a number of uncoordinated boards and agencies; in 1969 it created the high profile and centralized Department of Regional ECOnomic Expansion (DREE); a few years later (1973), DREE was decentralized and became more low key in its approach; in 1978 the government struck the centralized Board of Development Ministers, supported by the Ministry of State for Economic Development (MSED), to revamp the national economy while maintaining DREE in its decentralized format; and in 1982 DREE was abolished and the Cabinet Committee for Economic and Regional Development (CCERD), headed by a Minister of State for Economic and Regional Development and supported by a Ministry of State for Economic and Regional Development (NSERD), was given the responsibility of integrating economic and regional development activities of all line departments. The logic of and reasons for the 1982 reorganization are assessed. Although innovative, particularly with regard to the placement of a Federal Economic Development Coordinator (FEDC) in each province, the reorganization does not necessarily mean improved regional policy. Major obstacles are identified which may serve to prevent the objectives of the reorganization from being realized. Sommaire: Au cours des vingt-cinq dernières années, In politique et l'administration du développenient régional sont passées par au moins cinq étapes distinctes: en 1961, le gouvernement a commence avec un certain nombre de commissions et dorganismes isolés; en 1969, il a créé le ministère de l'Expansion éonomique régionale (MEER), organisme centralisé et très en vue; quelques années plus tard, en 1973, le MEER a été décentralisé et est devenu beaucoup plus modeste; en 1978, le gouvernement a mis sur pied un autre organisme centralisé, la Commission des ministres du développement qui, appuyée par le département d'État au Développement économique (DEDE), devait réorganiser l'économie nationale tout en maintenant la décentralisation du MEER; puis en 1982, le MEER a été aboli et c'est au comité du Cabinet pour le Développement économique et régional, dirigé par le ministre d'État au Développement économique et régional et appuyé par le département d'État au Développement économique et régional, qu'a été donnée la responsabilité d'intégrer les activités de développement économique et régional de tous les ministères verticaux. L'article suivant évalue les raisons de la réorganisation de 1982. Bien que cette réorganisation ait été innovatrice, particulièrement en ce qui concerne le placement d'un coordonnateur fédéral au développement économique dans chaque province, la politique régionale ne s'en est pas trouvée nécessairement améliorée. Les auteurs mettent en relief les obstacles majeurs qui empêcheront peut-être la réalisation des objectifs de la réorganisation.     

Partisan politics and fiscal policy in the Canadian provinces

This article evaluates the impact of partisanship on provincial fiscal policies over business- and electoral-cycles between 1981 and 2016. There were partisan differences between left-wing governments (the New Democratic Party and the Parti Québécois), on the one hand, and conservative ones, on the other. The evidence is particularly strong for business-cycles, where left-wing parties pursued much more countercyclical strategies than conservatives. In contrast, there was little difference between most Liberal administrations and conservative ones. Left-wing fiscal policies nevertheless lost their distinctiveness during the last third of the study period. The article concludes by discussing possible explanations for this change.     

科技创新与石油天然气能源业的科学可持续发展

科学发展观是马克思主义在本世纪中国与时俱进、创造性发展的科学体现;是一场深刻的观念变革,牵涉到纵向横向、近期长远、公与私等方方面面的发展利益;是科技创新的具体实践,事关各项事业发展的成败。石油天然气资源型产业更要走可持续发展之路,科技是发展的第一资源保证,各级人才是发展的真正动力。既要解放思想、勇于探索、大胆创新、创造活力,又要倡导用实事求是的科学严谨态度,去分析问题、解决问题。观念彻底转变了、价值理念形成了,科学可持续发展之路自然会步入正轨。     

Invisible populations: LGBTQ people and federal health policy in Canada

This article reviews the state of federal health policy discourse toward the LGBTQ population in Canada. Despite the advent of greater attention to diversity and gender mainstreaming in federal public policy and the shift to legalized rights protections for LGBTQ people, symbolized by policies such as same‐sex marriage, LGBTQ health concerns continue to be marginalized in federal health policy. Based on a systematic review of federal policy documents and websites as well as a small number of interviews with federal policy‐makers, the research demonstrates the extent to which LGBTQ health concerns are rendered invisible in federal health policy. The article suggests several ways in which a commitment to gender‐based policy analysis could be expanded to take account of diverse health needs of LGBTQ Canadians.     

农村城镇规划管理可持续发展

我国农村城镇化是农村改革和农业发展的产物,它不仅有利于促进我国经济社会可持续发展,而且也有利于人口控制和生态环境保护。我国当前农村城镇化表现出很大的盲目性和无序性,制约了农村城镇的健康发展。本文拟就强化农村城镇的规划和管理与可持续发展进行初浅探析。     

Rearranging the deck chairs: A political economy approach to foreign policy management in Canada

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to analyse the 1982 reorganization of the Canadian government's institutions and processes of foreign economic policy. The paper argues that the reorganization is most fruitfully seen as a response to changes in the international political economy, and an attempt to link foreign economic policy to domestic industrial strategy. Sommaire: Cet exposé a pour but d'analyser la réorganisation survenue en 1982, des institutions et des processus concernant la politique économique étrangère du gouvernement canadien. Selon l'article, on devrait envisager cette réorganisation comme une réponse gouvernementale à l'évolution de l'économie politique mondiale, et comme une façon d'établir des liens entre la politique économique étrangère et la stratégie industrielle nationale.     

Made in Canada: The evolution of Canadian counter-terrorism policy in the post-9/11 world

Literature on Canada-United States (US) counter-terrorism (CT) cooperation from the early 2000s presumed that Canadian CT policy was driven by US security imperatives and fear, leaving little room for Canada to develop its own path in fighting terrorism. It presumed that: the Canadian government was more worried about the US reaction to terrorism than terrorism itself; Canadian security policy sought to be “separate but cooperative”; and Canadian policy was informed by “wise” understandings of the US. We argue these assumptions no longer hold. Since 2011, with the rise of the Islamic State and foreign fighter activity, the Canadian government took independent steps to address national security concerns in a multilateral environment. We use process tracing to track evolutions in the Passenger Protect Program (Canada's “no-fly list” policy), showing how Canada has increasingly asserted agency in response to violent extremism. It suggests the prior scholarly consensus on the US role in Canadian CT policy must be rethought.     

我国家族企业可持续发展的关键环节

改革开放之后,我国的家族企业迅猛发展,占据民营企业90%以上的席位,且家族控制程度较高。由于在中国化的现实土壤中成长,我国家族企业的发展还面临诸多内外部障碍。30年来,我国许多家族企业已度过了"生存阶段",且第一代创始人大多已到退休年龄,如何克服这些障碍、如何"可持续发展"成为家族企业当前面临的挑战。     

Rethinking policy capacity in Canada: The role of parties and election platforms in government policy‐making

Abstract: There is an ongoing debate in western industrialized democracies about the genesis of government policy capacity. This article examines this under‐explored issue by looking at the election campaign commitments made by political parties. The author reviews the election policy manifestos of the parties that governed in Canada from 1984 to 2008, some of the proposed policy changes advanced during election campaigns, and the actions taken by governing parties to fulfil those commitments. This research demonstrates that parties were relatively unconstrained in advancing detailed election platforms to the electorate and that they were able to fulfil, or partially fulfil, those commitments at fairly significant levels – particularly incumbent governments, who could draw on their governing experience and the policy advice given by the public service. The author contends that governing parties in Canada possess a high degree of policy‐making capacity and that they have the ability both to advance and implement fairly detailed plans for governing. These findings confirm that political parties are an important source of policy‐making capacity and that such capacity is enhanced by public‐service input.     

The National Research Council of Canada: Institutional change for an era of innovation policy

Abstract: The article examines the institutional transformation of the National Research Council of Canada (nrc) in the last decade, set in the political‐economic context of innovation policy. There are two main themes. The first is that the nrc has changed considerably in a way that reflects both the diverse and contested meanings of the innovation policy paradigm that gradually emerged under the Mulroney Conservative era and then under the Chrétien Liberal era. The second theme is that as these newer policy and strategic rubrics were imposed, partially accepted and adapted, the nrc inevitably had both to confront and change, and also defend and support, its own traditions as a complex government science agency that still values research for its own sake and as a public good. The nrc could not help but involve all of its organizational characteristics, namely, as an organization of scientists, as a politically controlled agency, as a national institution, and as a regionally dispersed institution of numerous and varied institutes. Sommaire: Cet article examine la transformation institutionnelle du Conseil de recherche du Canada (CRC) au cours de cette demière décennie, dans le contexte politico‐économique des politiques d'innovation. L'article s'articule sur deux thèmes principaux: premièrement, le CRC a beaucoup changé et reflète les perspectives à la fois diverses et contestées du paradigme des politiques d'innovation qui a vu le jour progressivement sous les Conservateurs de Mulroney puis les Libéraux de Chrétien. Deuxièmement, tandis que ces nouvelles politiques et stratégiesétait imposées par‐tiellement acceptées et adaptées, elles ont inévitablement forgé le CRC à confronter, modifier ainsi que défendre et appuyer ses propres traditions d'organisme scienti‐fique gouvememental complexe, qui accorde toujours une grande valeur à la recherche en tant que telle et en tant que bien public. Le CRC ne pouvait éviter de faire jouer toutes ses caractéristiques organisationnelles, c'est‐à‐dire en tant qu'organisme de scientifiques, en tant qu'agence contrôlée politiquement, en tant qu'institution nationale, et en tant qu'institution régionalement dispersée comprenant de nom‐breux instituts différents.     

泾河工业园坚持可持续发展的思考

泾河工业园区天然优势得天独厚,规划面积35平方公里,发展人口25万,享有诸多国家级开发区政策。道路、水、电、天然气、通讯全部配套成龙,集医药、化工、电子、建材、农产品深加工为一体的现代化工业城已迅速崛起。完备的基础设施,超前的优惠政策及优质高效的全程服务,吸引国内外更多客商入区落户,增强园区发展后劲,使泾河工业园保持快速可持续发展。     

灾后教育：发展性重建的战略构想

四川大地震后的教育重建,是重塑教育发展模式、推进制度变革的历史契机。教育重建应以科学发展观为指导,围绕西部大开发、建设新农村、城乡教育均衡化发展战略来积极推进,以实现重塑教育和社会协调发展模式的战略性重建。为此,要进行制度的改革和创新,推进我国宏观教育发展制度体系的改革和完善,在保障灾区重建的具体政策上有所突破和创新。     

Municipal politics and government: development of the field in Canadian political science

Abstract. Following what has become almost a tradition within the Canadian discipline of political science, this paper attempts an analysis of the development of one field in that discipline. In a sense, a main purpose of the paper is to define the boundaries of the field, an exercise which, given the nature of the field, results in a rather personal definition. Two approaches are taken. First there is a review of the Canadian literature since 1886. That review helps identify the more important sub-fields and analytical approaches. Secondly, the paper reports on a survey of the ways the field is presently taught in Canadian universities and colleges. Assuming that an image of a discipline or of a field is most accurately obtained by examining both writings over time and teaching approaches, the analysis proceeds to identify some of the problems within the field, and offers suggestions for future development of it. The author concludes that because of the highly eclectic nature of the field, in terms of both scope of subject matter and in approaches to analysis, there is a need for more integration among the sub-fields.     

西方刑事政策运动理念及实践

依据刑事政策的本体论根据、认识论根据、价值论根据的不同,西方刑事政策运动可归结为三个阶段:理性主义阶段、实证主义阶段和人道主义阶段。各个阶段在不同理念支配下,刑事政策实践表现为"刑事政策刑法化"、"刑事法律政策化"和以"刑事法律政策化"为主导的"刑事政策法律化"与"刑事法律政策化"双向运动三种类型。     

Trust but verify: Ministerial policy advisors and public servants in the Government of Canada

Political advisors in Canada are comparatively numerous and highly differentiated in role. Based on a recent survey, this article examines how senior ministerial policy advisors, a subset of the political staff community, perceive their support for ministers and their relationships with public servants. It finds that they increase ministers' policy capacity, encourage greater responsiveness from public servants, and generally feel that they enjoy good relations with officials and respect their role. Since much depends on advisors' personal maturity, however, the paper endorses the Trudeau government's release of a code of conduct for ministerial‐exempt staff as a means of embedding accountability more deeply within political staff culture.     

Comparing employment policy governance regimes in Canada and the European Union

This article assesses the performance of Canada's employment policy governance regime post‐1996 by explicitly comparing Canadian approaches to those used in the European Union (EU) through the open method of coordination (OMC). It concludes that Canada has moved so far along the decentralization continuum — with 13 provincial systems as well as a federal‐only system in place — that coordination, coherence, mutual learning and information sharing on a pan‐Canadian basis have been lost. While EU OMC approaches hold promise, to be realized stakeholders would need to become more engaged in the policy domain and provinces, rather than the federal government, must take the initiative for enhanced coordination.     

Judicial review and environmental policy: lessons for Canada from the United States

Abstract: United States' experience with judicial review under NEPA suggests that it would be inappropriate to enhance the role of the courts in developing and enforcing environmental policy in Canada. Early judicial review did help ensure that the EIS requirements under NEPA were taken seriously. In addition, early environmental litigation may have helped mobilize public environmental concerns. However, these effects were limited, at best, and are now minimal. On the other hand, the emphasis on judicial review under NEPA has significantly harmed the American environmental policy process, making it formal, defensive and confrontational. Specifically, judicial review of NEPA has created five main problems: it emphasizes superficial procedural compliance at the expense of substantive policy improvements; important value questions are obscured by the emphasis on analytical process; the availability of judicial review focused advocacy resources on the courts, and away from potentially more effective political and social action; by enhancing public responsiveness, judicial review distorts priorities; and judicial review fosters an adversarial relationship that inhibits institutional learning and collaborative policy development, undermining the critical dialogue by which the environmental assessment process is assumed to improve policy. The courts must continue to play some role. They provide the best guarantee of process. The lesson from NEPA, however, is that the courts should only be relied upon as a backstop. Instead, efforts should focus on creating incentives within the environmental “policy community” to maximize the potential for policy learning. This will require the continued development of mechanisms that facilitate collaborative policy development, rather than enhancing the role of judicial review and other formal mechanisms that encourage parties to focus on specific issues from fixed perspectives. Sommaire: L'expérience américaine de la révision judiciaire en vertu de la NEPA suggère qu'il ne serait pas souhaitable de renfurcer le rôle des tribunaux dans l'élaboration et l'application des politiques environnementales au Canada. Les premières décisions des tribunaux ont aidéà s'assurer que les exigences de rapports EIS en vertu de la NEPA étaient prises au sérieux. Elles ont peut-être aussi aidéà mobiliser les préoccupations du public face à l'environnement. Cependant, ces effets ont été au mieux limités, et ils sont maintenant minimes. D'autre part, l'accent mis sur Id révision judiciaire en vertu de la NEPA a nui sérieusement au processus américain de définition des politiques environnementales, en le rendant formel, défensif et conflictuel. Plus précisément, la révision judiciaire dans le cadre de la NEPA Crée cinq problèmes principaux: * elle met l'accent sur la conformité purement procédurale aux dépens de l'amélioration fondamentale des politiques; * des questions importantes sur les valeurs sont éclipsées par l'emphase mise sur le procédé analytique; * la disponibilité d'une révision judiciaire a concentré sur les tribunaux les ressources des groupes de revendication, les écartant des actions politiques et sociales qui risquent d'être plus efficaces; * en augmentant la sensibilité du public, la révision judiciaire Crée une distorsion dans les priorités; et * la révision judiciaire déclenche des rapports conflictuels qui freinent l'apprentissage institutionnel et l'élaboration de politiques de collaboration, affaiblissant par là le dialogue critique par lequel le processus EIS est censé améliorer les politiques. Les tribunaux doivent continuer à jouer un certain rôle. Ils offrent la meilleure garantie procédurale. Toutefois, d'après l'expérience de la NEPA, on ne devrait les invoquer qu'en dernier lieu. II faudrait plutôt concentrer les efforts sur la création de moyens visant à motiver la “ collectivité active “ dans les politiques environnementales afin de maximiser le potentiel d'apprentissage dans ce cadre. Pour cela, il faudra une mise au point continue de mécanismes facilitant l'élaboration de politiques collaboratives, plutôt qu'une expansion du rôle de la révision judiciaire et des autres mécanismes formels qui encouragent les parties en cause à se pencher sur des questions précises à partir de rôles rigidement définis.