Representative democracy and cabinet selection: The determinants of ministerial appointment in territorial government

In Westminster parliamentary democracies like Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, research has found that cabinet composition is driven mainly by longstanding norms and practices that privilege older, white males with certain educational and political experiences. Do these trends apply at the subnational level where the demographic make-up can be quite different? To answer this question, we draw upon an original dataset of all members of the legislative assembly and cabinet in three Canadian territories from 1979 to 2022. These territories are unique given that Indigenous communities loom large in their governments and societies. Using an event history model, we find that territorial cabinets very much reflect the demographic make up of their legislatures, similar to what occurs at the federal level. We also observe important differences between the territories, which suggest that the influence of Westminster structures and norms are likely mediated by factors unique to each territory.     

Style within the centre: Pierre Trudeau,the War Measures Act,and the nature of prime ministerial power

The notion that the prime minister of Canada wields autocratic power is common in popular and academic discourse. Donald Savoie's work on the subject implies that this is an inevitable result of centripetal forces in Canadian politics, combined with a process of centralization that began with Pierre Trudeau in the late 1960s. Peter Aucoin's analysis of the role of prime ministerial management styles, however, suggests that there may be more scope for individual agency than a narrow reading of Savoie implies. An investigation of the decision‐making process in the Trudeau government that led to the invocation of the War Measures Act in October 1970 lends credence to the view that, despite centralizing pressures, the exercise of prime ministerial power is significantly shaped by personal style. This suggests that the putative “elected dictatorship” of the prime minister is not an inevitable consequence of the current institutional configuration of power, as is sometimes suggested.     

论中国"国际责任"及其对国际责任的承担

从2005年佐利克提出中国应成为"负责任的利益攸关者"以来,"中国责任论"就开始在西方媒体中迅速蔓延,甚至有些学者试图把中国的所有对外行为都描绘成某种程度的"不负责任"."中国责任论"就成为继"中国崩溃论"、"中国威胁论"之后的对华媒体报道的第三波浪潮.那么,我们究竟应该如何理解这一论断并对其做出客观的评价?中国究竟在履行国际责任方面作为怎样?本文将从三个方面来阐述这一问题.     

Policing disorder: Calgary Transit peace officers and the Alberta law enforcement framework

An analysis of current trends suggests that the delivery of policing services in Canada is fundamentally shifting. In 2011, the Province of Alberta established the Law Enforcement Framework, which includes Calgary Transit peace officers who are responsible for the safety and security needs of transit customers and employees. This article examines the role of Calgary Transit peace officers and makes recommendations for their incorporation into a broader model of nodal governance in order to ensure that the Calgary Police Service maintains a legitimate, coordinating role for the provision of public safety in the City of Calgary.     

试论从优待警的内涵

“从优待警”是公安机关队伍建设和思想政治工作的重要组成部分。多年来，我们曾片面地将“从优待警”着眼点放在提高民警的经济待遇、政治待遇上，这样的结果，往往造成民警的眼睛盯住钱、权不放。因此要不断丰富“从优待警”的时代特点和内涵，研究当前影响和制约民警积极性发挥的主要因素，倡导培养民警正确的价值追求，维护民警的切身利益，深刻挖掘“从优待警”的时代内涵，最大限度地实现“从优待警”，更好地调动民警的积极性。     

论教授治学:责任途径保障

教授治学是以“党委领导，校长负责．教授治学，民主管理”为核心内涵的中国特色现代大学制度的一个组成部分。强调教授治学旨在确立学术本位的价值．促进学术自由，完善大学治理结构。但是，教授治学不仅表明教授具有学术自由和权力，同时要求教授承担起相应的学术责任和义务。教授履行责任体现了现代大学精神和教授治学的本质内涵。教授的学术责任包括教授在一般教学科研活动中应尽的义务．以及作为教授委员会成员在履行学术管理与决策权力时应尽的义务。应通过确立科学的责任观念，建立相应的组织制度．采取切实可行的改革举措．实现对教授履行责任的系统保障。     

对相对负刑事责任年龄人刑事责任的理解和思考

由于刑法个别条文规定的不明确性等原因,造成了司法实践中对刑法第17条第2款理解的不统一,直接影响了相对负刑事责任年龄人对某些犯罪是否应承担刑事责任这一根本性问题的把握.在深入分析的基础上,本文建议,将奸淫幼女、绑架、劫持航空器、决水、以危险方法危害公共安全罪纳入该款之中.     

高校发展战略规划的制度化建设：英国大学的经验及启示

我国高校发展战略规划工作存在诸多问题,这都是由于缺少此方面的制度化建设造成的.英国大学在此方面取得了不少有效的经验,给我们提供了很多启示.我国高校的发展战略规划制度建设要加强宏观指导和监督、建立有效的管理机制、强化战略目标共享等.     

Ministerial responsibility and the machinery of government

Abstract: This article examines the relationship between ministerial responsibility and the machinery of government. It discusses how constitutional government and the practical day‐to‐day functioning of a parliamentary democracy depend on ministerial responsibility as the bedrock principle for the organization and operation of the machinery of government across the range of government organizations. It concludes that ministerial responsibility remains the pivotal constitutional doctrine essential to the functioning of a parliamentary democracy; that notwithstanding the undue concentration of authority in the hands of first ministers, their machinery of government powers ought not to be reduced; and that first ministers in particular should pay closer attention to ministerial responsibility as the foundation of the machinery of government. Sommaire: Le présent article porte sur les relations entre la responsabilité ministéri‐elle et l'appareil gouvernemental. Il examine comment le gouvernement constitutionnel et le fonctionnement pratique quotidien d'une démocratie parlementaire reposent sur la responsabilité ministérielle comme principe de base de l'organisation et du fonctionnement de l'appareil gouvernemental dans tous les types d'organismes gouvernementaux. L'auteur conclut que la responsabilité ministérielle demeure la doctrine constitutionnelle cruciale et essentielle au fonctionnement d'une démocratie parlementaire; que malgré la concentration exagérée de pouvoir entre les mains des premiers ministres, les pouvoirs de l'appareil gouvernemental ne devraient pas être réduits; et que les premiers ministres en particulier devraient prêter une plus grande attention à la responsabilité ministérielle en tant que fondement de l'appareil gouvernemental.     

论社区民警的角色定位与工作技能要求

在社区警务这一新型警务模式下,社区民警的角色除了传统的打击与防范外,更主要的应是情报信息员、安全防范指导员、治安管理员、服务员、社区矫正员、维稳员。与此相适应,社区民警应掌握好“六种技能”。     

行政刑法的基本立场——以行政责任和刑事责任的统一为视角

从对行政责任和刑事责任理念的梳理来看,二者对行政刑法责任具有相当影响,但行政刑法责任是行政责任和刑事责任之有机统一的观点具有表面性和形式化。行政刑法产生于市民刑法的背景使得行政刑法的责任必须在市民刑法的语境下进行解读,只有如此,才能真正厘清行政刑法责任之限制权力和人权保障、刑罚均衡和人道之基本立场。在市民刑法成为我国刑法应有转向的背景下,行政刑法应构成刑法的主体,刑法的转向实际上在相当程度上就是转向行政刑法的过程。我国经济犯罪形式的行政刑法之完善亦应在市民刑法理念下进行。     

论在职民警培训与警察人力资源开发

发挥在职民警培训在警察人力资源开发中的积极作用,这是现代组织管理理论的要求,也是时代发展和社会治安形势变化的需要。应该更新在职民警培训理念,进一步完善培训机制,合理开发警察人力资源。     

警察职业枯竭成因及基本对策

“职业枯竭”是指在工作重压之下的一种身心能量被工作耗尽的感觉,也称工作倦怠。其基本特征表现为:身体疲乏、心智空虚、情绪冷漠、成就感丧失、人性化淡漠和行为上攻击等六个方面。作为一种高应激、高对抗、高危险的的职业,警察职业所带来的公众压力多于其他行业,在各种职业中,警察位列职业枯竭之首。警察产生职业枯竭的原因主要有角色间冲突、付出与回报失衡和执法环境不完善。解决警察职业枯竭问题,主要应从主客观两个方面入手。     

低致命性武器：英国警方的两难选择

进入21世纪,媒体和公众对警察使用武器的问题越来越关注。为了更好地解决警察执行任务时合理使用武器的问题——既能顺利完成任务、抓获犯罪嫌疑人,又能保护无辜,防止不幸事件的发生,英国政府与警察部门向民—众承诺将努力研制出“低致命性武器”以替代常规武器的使用。低致命性武器包括橡皮子弹和电休克枪,但它们却不是万能的。目前英国警方对于是否应普遍使用低致命性武器仍面临许多困境。     

The impact and role of officers of Parliament: Canada's conflict of interest and ethics commissioner

Officers of Parliament play a vital role in providing parliamentarians with access to critical information and resources that allow them to hold the government of the day to account. Critics have argued officers have exceeded their mandates and even threaten to supplant the opposition. Canada's Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner (CIEC) holds a unique mandate, given that her primary focus concerns the behaviour of public office holders. This article draws on a comprehensive examination of the commissioner's reports and recommendations, and a content analysis of committee appearances to analyze and understand the impact and role of the CIEC. In contrast to the portrayal of other officers in the extant literature, we find that the office of the CIEC is constrained in its mandate and its impact limited by the nature and extent of its relationship with Parliament.     

Women's ministerial careers in cabinet, 1921–2010: A look at socio‐demographic traits and career experiences

This article probes two aspects of women's ministerial careers in federal, provincial, and territorial cabinets from 1921 to December 2010. First, we examine whether the socio‐demographic profile of women ministers differ from female legislators of the governing party. Logistic regression analysis shows that women holding cabinet portfolios differ from female legislators with no ministerial responsibilities with respect to education, parliamentary experience, and age when first elected. Women legislators elected in Quebec, and more so at the federal level, were less likely to become ministers than women legislators nominated in other provinces. Second, we consider what portfolios women had over time, and how many different portfolios they were assigned to. The results are sobering: women ministers are still largely concentrated in socio‐cultural and socio‐economic portfolios, and most only occupy one or two of these portfolios. We conclude by identifying avenues for further research.