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1.
何胜 《当代世界》2009,(4):56-58
2009年2月23日,中国和越南在广西凭祥友谊关公路,口岸举行盛大的界碑揭幕仪式,热烈庆祝两国陆地边界勘界立碑工作的圆满结束。两国外交、国防、公安、测绘、经济部门和边境地方政府代表400多人参加了庆祝活动,中国国务委员戴秉国和越南副总理兼外长范家谦分别代表各自政府出席致辞。  相似文献   

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自2009年起,北京市总工会牵头,先后与人保局、司法局、信访办、市高级人民法院和市企联联手,最终建立了劳动争议调解六方联动机制,形成了政府指导、工会牵头、各方联动、重在调解、促进和谐的社会化大调解工作格局.联动机制建立不久,市总工会又依托各级劳动争议调解组织,积极引入社会化维权力量,以购买服务的方式先后选聘了25家律师事务所和400余名专业律师.  相似文献   

3.
将殊的国宾馆 在越南抗法战争的最后五年——1950至1954年,作为越南党和国家最高领导人的胡志明主席,曾四次来到北京,同中国党和国家领导人共商夺取抗法战争胜利的方针大计。他这四次来北京,都安排  相似文献   

4.
In 2007 visual media reports revived allegations that sugar was being produced in the Dominican Republic using the labour of Haitian slaves. Beyond raising the general public's awareness of the plight of migrant sugarcane workers, the films and their surrounding publicity have led to the Dominican sugar slavery allegation being adopted in yearly global overview reports produced by agencies of the US Departments of Labor and State. The Dominican Republic has as a result been put back on an aid-and-trade-sanctionable track, more than 15 years after sugar slavery last featured as an allegation in any leading monitor group's reports. All this, plus evidence that one videographer knew central aspects of the allegation to be false at the moment of its public release, mark the revival of the Dominican sugar slavery allegation as a precursor to the media furor triggered by the Kony 2012 ‘viral video’. Analysis of the visual media afterlife of Dominican sugar slavery suggests that the ‘Kony effect’ may be less new than meets the eye, for Kony 2012 is not the first video campaign to promote yesterday's human rights crisis as today's imperative for action.  相似文献   

5.
For a generation, students of comparative public policy and international politics have argued that global market discipline and the increasing mobility of international "best practices" have given rise to policy convergence at the global level. This paper uses the American case to investigate some of the forces thought to have given rise to the spread of private prisons. It finds that while there are prisons in a number of countries, the evidence of convergence is thin and seems to suggest that the core of the prison privatization is in the American South. It then examines several theories—the political economy of the prison boom and overcrowding, globalization theory, the politics of the new right and the idea of a "prison-industrial complex"—that have been used to explain prison privatization and the extent to which they are consistent with the empirical pattern. Each takes us some way to understanding that pattern, but none can provide a clear theoretical mapping.  相似文献   

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Why have some national governments acted more aggressively to address the HIV/ AIDS pandemic than others? More specifically, what explains, widely varied responses across Brazil and South Africa—two countries where one might have expected more similarity than difference? We argue thatboundary institutions—those sets of rules and practices that give social and political meaning to group identities—help explain this puzzle. Institutions interact with other pressures to structure the dissemination of information, the construction of risk, and priorities within society. Where institutions divide groups deeply, elites and ordinary citizens are less likely to feel volnerable, and more likely to blame other groups, making aggresive government action far less likely.  相似文献   

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Abstract

African poverty statistics depend on household-level measurements from survey data, making the definition of household of critical importance. Detailed case studies from Tanzania and Burkina Faso explore (1) understandings of household membership and ambiguities, and (2) how well survey definitions capture households as economic units, and the implications for household size and responses to and mitigation of poverty. We develop an analytic framework of ‘open’ and ‘closed’ households. ‘Open’ households cope with poverty using flexibility, movement and extra-household networks, but are poorly represented by survey data. Closed households are likely to be better described by survey data.  相似文献   

10.
Based on a process of action inquiry, this article reflects on the capacities that chief executives need in order to engage effectively with ‘joined-up’ working. It begins by examining the paradoxical feelings that chief executives can hold about their roles – feeling both powerful and powerless at the same time, for example. By adopting the notion of boundary, it is possible to understand more about the complexities that chief executives need to work with. These boundaries are emotional as much as they are structural. They imply a duality in the role as the chief executive works with the shifting relationships between the organisation and its external world, between organisational and political leadership, and between ‘knowing’ and ‘not knowing’. To be able to work at the boundary, there is a premium on the capacities for sense-making through systemic analysis, for maintaining personal perspective and for seeing leadership as synonymous with learning. In the end, leading at the boundary challenges the chief executive to think from time to time about what he or she stands for as a person.  相似文献   

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未成年人犯罪的个体因素主要是指未成年人的生理和心理因素。心理因素是指对未成年人犯罪行为能发生直接影响或与其他因素发生交互影响而促成未成年人犯罪行为的心理变项,诸如人格特质、自我概念、心理需求、情绪、压力、生活适应、智力等因素,生理因素是指未成年人的身体健康情形。健康的身体以及愉快的生活,使未成年人偏差及犯罪的可能性就会降低;抑郁性、焦虑、自卑、不安、自制力、攻击性等人格特质使未成年人偏差及犯罪的可能性增大;自我概念与自我认同低会增大未成年人偏差与犯罪的可能性;情绪稳定性低、自我控制力差会增大未成年人偏差与犯罪的可能性。个体因素是未成年人犯罪各因素的核心,其他(家庭/学校/同辈群体/社会)因素相互作用,并与未成年人的个体因素发生交互作用。  相似文献   

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