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The Trade Union Movement and the European Union: Judgment Day   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Abstract: The trade union movement faces a challenge to the legality of transnational collective action as violating economic freedoms in the EC Treaty. How are disparities in wages and working conditions among the Member States to be accommodated? Are national social models protected? Does the internal market allow for trade union collective action? How does EU law affect the balance of economic power in a transnational economy? What is the role of courts in resolving economic conflicts? This article analyses the responses to these questions as referred to the European Court of Justice by the English Court of Appeal and offers some conclusions. The purpose is to highlight the different positions adopted by the old Member States and the new accession Member States as regards the underlying substantive issues, and the options available to the Court of Justice in answering the questions posed.  相似文献   

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MIHAELA MIHAI 《Ratio juris》2010,23(2):183-204
The paper seeks to contribute to the transitional justice literature by overcoming the Democracy v. Justice debate. This debate is normatively implausible and prudentially self‐defeating. Normatively, transitional justice will be conceptualised as an imperative of democratic equal concern. Prudentially, it can prevent further violence and provide an opportunity for initiating processes of democratic emotional socialisation. The resentment and indignation animating transitions should be acknowledged as markers of a sense of justice. As such, they can help the reproduction of democracy. However, their public expression must be institutionally filtered through democratic norms. The consistent institutional instantiation of equal respect can educate and recuperate negative emotions for democracy.  相似文献   

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民主政治是当今世界的潮流,现代民主在古代民主基础上有很大发展。现代民主概念至少包含少数服从多数、遵循程序、保护少数三个方面的内涵;现代民主政治的表征至少表现为社会关系是平等的契约关系,活力源泉是公平竞争,权力建构是均衡形式;现代民主政治的比较优势表现为具有非凡的亲和力,能够保持政治秩序的持续稳定,有利于人民参政议政,能够保证政治体系内在的活力,有利于避免错误的发生,能够保证政治体制的客观公正。  相似文献   

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Using survey data from nine East European members of the European Union, I find that citizens’ political and social disengagement is strongly related to their perceptions of inequalities in society. Specifically, individuals’ perceptions that income and social inequalities are excessive clearly coordinates with lower levels of trust and political efficacy, as well as higher levels of both a general suspicion of others and political apathy. This is troubling as these attitudes and orientations are part of what constitute a healthy democratic political culture and thus germane to the long-term legitimacy of both national and EU governance. Further, in contrast to much of the work on inequality, this effect is neither contingent on individuals’ income levels nor clearly linked to national-level economic indicators.  相似文献   

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The European Union's delicate institutional balance between intergovern‐mentalism and supranationalism has been the source of both the EU's successes and its problems. This balance is under scrutiny as representatives of Member States and EU institutions pursue their particular visions of democratic legitimacy in the course of the 1996–97 Intergovernmental Conference. This essay examines three competing conceptualisations of democratic legitimacy: the Gaullist view, which associates legitimacy narrowly with national sovereignty; a national culture perspective that posits a unique correspondence of national character and national parliaments; and a parliamentary view that associates legitimacy with the role played by parliaments in scrutinising the behaviour of executives, whether at national or European level. Only the last of these perspectives acknowledges that democratic legitimacy is a continuous variable rather than an all‐or‐nothing concept, and that the EU may therefore accumulate legitimacy by improving both the process and substance of policy making within the logic of existing institutional structures.  相似文献   

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民主政治以个人自由为中心价值取向,自由与民主具有内在统一性.以自由为中心价值取向的现代政治与现代民主法制具有着有机联系,它构成现代法制的基础,为现代法制的建立提出要求,现代法制又为这种民主政治提供根本保障.  相似文献   

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This essay reviews Trade Protection in the United States (Aldershot, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 1995) by Charles K. Rowley, Willem Thorbecke and Richard E. Wagner. The book stimulates a radical rethinking of trade policy, with results that are applicable well beyond the political framework of the United States. The authors—all advocates of the Virginia public choice school of thought—provide a lucid explanation of the formation of trade policy and systematically explain the many paradoxes of endogenous policymaking. They assess the main players in the process of trade policy formation and rigorously explain the dynamic interaction of the various political organs involved. The authors conclude that unilateral free trade cannot be achieved through the ordinary legislative process, and make a compelling case for Constitutional reform. Given the fragility of free trade equilibria and the inadequacy of bilateral and multilateral trade treaties for a stable free trade environment, the right to trade should be constitutionally guaranteed as an individual right. Considering the relevance of the authors' conclusions in this phase of consolidation of European trade policymaking, this essay examines the proposed unilateral free trade amendment, addresses the game theoretic implications, in light of viable alternatives.  相似文献   

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In this response to Valerie Hans's Presidential address, I use her “legal translating” term to argue that the implementation of liberal democratic structures in new democracies opens new opportunities to translate the jury system into and onto new democratic societies. While policy makers have concerns about the strength and vibrancy of lay participation in the legal system, policy makers' decisions to adopt trial by jury are not always democratic. Nonetheless, the consequence of the translation of trial by jury furthers democratic development. Using Nicaragua, Mexico, and Russia as case studies, I suggest that one goal of policy makers who attempt to adopt trial by jury is to reduce the discretionary power of judges who remain from the prior government. Comparative trial‐by‐jury research can contribute more to our understanding of democratic development than prior research has indicated.  相似文献   

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The Trade Barriers Regulation can be seen as an example of the European Union's role in the international trading system. A neoliberal wave of thought notwithstanding, countries continue to be characterised by the existence of different market economy models. From an external point of view, this implies a need for the EU to influence strongly the developments of the international trading legal framework. Unfair trade instruments such as the Trade Barriers Regulation, can be one way of doing this. From a domestic point of view, market diversity within the EU implies a constant conflict during the definition of EU trade interests. The shifting balance between domestic diversity and the need for external efficiency has lead to a Common Commercial Policy characterised by an ambiguous system of multilevel governance and second-best outcomes as reflected in the Trade Barriers Regulation.  相似文献   

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The debate on the nature of the European Union hasbecome a test case of the kind of political andinstitutional arrangements appropriate in an age ofglobalization. This paper explores three views of theEU. The two main positions that have hithertoconfronted each other appeal to either cosmopolitan orcommunitarian values. Advocates of the former arguefor some form of federal structure in Europe and areconvinced that the sovereignty of the nation statebelongs to the past. Proponents of the latter make acase on both socio-political and normative grounds fora Europe of nations. However a third position,favoured by the authors, is gaining ground. This viewcombines cosmopolitan and communitarian conceptions.It emphasises the mixed nature of the European polityand conceives the constitutionalization process asopen-ended. The paper concludes that from this perspectivea bricoleur's Europe of bits and piecesmay not necessarily lack justification and legitimacy.  相似文献   

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网络在中国的迅猛发展,深刻地影响着公民的政治参与程度和热情,推进了现代民主政治的发展进程。本文从网络政治参与的内涵和特点入手,客观地分析了网络政治参与给我国民主政治建设、政治稳定等方面带来的双重影响,并提出规范网络政治参与的对策。  相似文献   

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Initially the subject of widespread consensus, legislative and policy responses to COVID-19 are increasingly provoking predictable reactions. Right and left are united by concern that essential freedoms are being eroded by a state utilizing the opportunity of the pandemic to make a power grab. Focused on the Coronavirus Act 2020, this article takes a more cautious approach, suggesting that the law should be understood not as the product of a hierarchical state but as a demonstration of the ‘statelessness’ of the contemporary state. It examines the Act with particular focus on open justice, adult social care, and Business Improvement Districts. Reading this unique piece of legislation through the lens of the stateless state reveals the complexities, ambiguities, and contestations within contemporary policy making. Dismissing the Act as unnecessarily authoritarian is an insufficiently nuanced response; furthermore, this exploration of the law allows us to develop and complicate scholarship on the stateless state.  相似文献   

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本文从政治稳定、法治秩序与程序建设的内在联系出发,提出了民主政治程序化的理论基础是程序正义的理论观点.作者认为,政治稳定是政治发展的基本目标,法治秩序是政治稳定的最优选择,程序正义是法治秩序的构建模式.如果要将政治文明建设纳入程序化的轨道,程序正义堪称是制度化的基石.  相似文献   

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