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This article engages with Bevir and Rhodes' version of interpretivism from a critical realist perspective. It argues that they are misguided to equate path‐dependency with path‐determinancy. Instead, we argue that there are three path‐dependencies, institutional, discursive and political‐economic, which constrain without determining the actions of agents and thus effect political outcomes. The argument is illustrated through a brief consideration of the operation of the British Political Tradition.  相似文献   

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In principle, reporting by state and local governments to thefederal government is essential to the design and implementationof national policy. In practice, reporting often engenders resentmentof federal intrusion and is often dismissed as a waste of stateand local resources. Is reporting useless? Does it strengthenthe federal government at the expense of state and local governments?We asked federal, state, local, and site officials about thevalue and burden of five specific reporting systems in elementaryand secondary education. Common assumptions about reportingdid not correspond to respondent reactions. Both value and burdencascade through the intergovernmental system, reaching policymakersin all governments. Although critics seldom discriminate betweentypes of reporting, we found that reporting designed to improvecompliance with federal standards evoked different judgmentsof value and burden than reporting designed for assistance.These results suggest some new approaches to federal policygoverning the collection of information and to the design ofindividual reporting systems.  相似文献   

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While party research has seen a number of conceptual developments in recent years, it has not kept pace with parties becoming more territorial as a result of the increasing importance of sub-national and supranational governance. This article lays down a framework for conceptualising and analysing multi-level parties (MLPs). We propose a synthesis of the formal and non-formal aspects of power; the former highlighting party rules and procedures, the latter focusing upon the ideational structures – norms and competing ideologies/discourses – within which party members operate. For empirical research on the MLP we propose to focus on autonomy and influence to measure the extent of (formal and non-formal) multi-levelness and to grasp better the strategies of regional branches vis-à-vis the centre.  相似文献   

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李曙新 《理论探讨》2006,1(4):103-107
在1956—1966年的“十年建设时期”,中国共产党在自身建设的指导思想上发生了两个发展趋向,一个是正确的和比较正确的趋向,即党在探索执政党建设中所形成的一些正确的和比较正确的理论观点和实践经验;另一个是错误的发展趋向,这就是探索中所形成的一些错误的理论观点和实践经验。1956年党的八大曾取得了正确趋向的良好开端,但在1957年反右派斗争之后错误趋向迅速地发展起来;在60年代初的调整时期正确趋向虽有所恢复和发展,但错误趋向也在同时发展,并且在经历了一段胶着状态之后,错误趋向日益占据上风并暂时压倒了正确趋向,终于导致了“文化大革命”时期对党的事业和党的自身建设的大破坏。总结十年建设时期党的建设指导思想出现两个发展趋向的经验教训,对于我们开展党的先进性建设具有重要借鉴价值和启迪意义。  相似文献   

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Recent research on the legitimacy of the welfare state has pointed to a potential negative impact of immigration. While much of this research has been concerned with a possible weakening of the general support for economic redistribution, this article analyses popular support for the introduction of a two-tier (dualist) welfare system, and focuses on the interplay between public opinion and party competition. It uses survey data from Denmark and Norway: two similar welfare states where elite politics on migration and welfare dualism has been markedly different over the last decade. It finds that the level and structure of popular support for welfare dualism are fairly similar in the two countries, but that attitudes toward dualism have a stronger impact on left–right voting in Denmark where the politics of welfare dualism has been actively advocated by the populist right party and pursued by a right-wing coalition government.  相似文献   

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随着高校毕业生就业压力不断增大,如何提高就业指导工作水平,帮助大学生提高就业能力,是各高校就业指导部门一直在思考的问题.主要就如何依托党支部这一载体有效开展毕业生就业指导以及有效开展全程就业指导展开论述.  相似文献   

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Poutvaara  Panu 《Public Choice》2003,117(1-2):79-98
This paper proposes and analyzes a model of how the behaviorof voters and that of potential party activists togetherdetermine party membership and the ideological characteristicsof party platforms. Membership decisions are based onexpressive motivations, whereas platforms are chosenstrategically. Part of the ideological spectrum may remainoutside both parties because of alienation or indifference.  相似文献   

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Scholars and pundits have long noted the dominance of the American two-party system, but we know relatively little about new, endogenous institutions that have emerged within the two major parties. I argue that ideological factions provide party sub-brands, which allow legislators to more precisely define their partisan type and capture faction-specific resources. To support this claim, I analyze new data on nine ideological factions in the House of Representatives (1995–2018). I find that (1) faction voting is distinct, suggesting a product ripe for party sub-branding, and (2) joining a faction changes the ideological composition of a candidate's donor base—conditional on the strength of the faction's institutions. Party sub-branding is effective only when factions possess organizational features that induce coordinated and disciplined position taking (e.g., whips, PACs, membership restrictions). These results suggest that, even within highly polarized parties, American political ideology is more than a dichotomous choice, and factions target niche markets of political donors as a means of blunting financial instruments of party power.  相似文献   

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Electoral system reforms are frequently discussed in various parts of the world, although major electoral system changes have been quite rare in established democracies. This article aims at predicting how the party systems in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden would change if elections were conducted under a plurality system or a mixed‐member majoritarian system. To this end, results of the last parliamentary elections are recalculated. The analyses show that the Nordic party systems would be subjected to drastic change. In Denmark, plurality elections would create a two‐party system; in Finland, Norway and Sweden, one party would be much larger than the others. Keskusta and Arbeiderpartiet would be superior to the other parties in Finland and Norway, respectively, whereas Socialdemokratiska Arbetarepartiet would almost take complete control over the Swedish legislature. In practice, smaller parties would have to team up with larger ideologically similar parties. Under a mixed electoral system, several small and medium‐sized parties would survive, but in most countries, the main competition would take place between two basic political alternatives. Smaller parties are well‐advised to go against electoral system reforms that involve single‐member districts.  相似文献   

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从个性职能维度探析转型时期"两新"组织党组织即新经济组织和新社会组织党组织的职能,可以看出其个性职能各有侧重,要根据"两新"组织及其党组织在组织形式、管理制度、运作机制以及人员的属性等方面呈现的个性特征来定位其个性职能。  相似文献   

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江泽民总书记在“七一”讲话中指出 :“全党同志要坚持从新的实际出发 ,以改革的精神研究和解决党的建设面临的重大理论和现实问题 ,使党始终保持先进性和纯洁性 ,充满创造力、凝聚力和战斗力。”面对改革开放和发展社会主义市场经济带来的一系列新情况、新问题 ,城市基层党建该怎么开拓创新 ?从深圳市福田区基层实践看 ,笔者认为 ,基层党建工作应深入贯彻江总书记“七一”讲话精神 ,解放思想 ,更新观念 ,从传统的党建模式中走出来 ,探索一条适合城区特点的新的基层党建工作路子 ,使党建工作更好地在城市经济发展、社会稳定和精神文明创建中…  相似文献   

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This article presents a framework for analysing party‐organisational culture, with a special focus on the elite level. The framework is based on an interpretation of Mary Douglas’ Grid/Group model, and is empirically supported by an extensive study of the seven party groups in the Swedish parliament. The model identifies two fundamental cultural dimensions: the level of submission by individual group members to the group as a collectivity; and the principle that dictates the distribution of status and prestige within the party (a distribution here correlating with views on knowledge). The study shows that the parties distribute themselves on the cultural map in ways that do not coincide in any straightforward way with other well‐known variables of party politics, such as ideology, origin or size. The methodological innovations presented in this article pave the way for a new framework for analysing party politics in which hitherto neglected aspects of party organisation are highlighted.  相似文献   

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Party politics     
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中国共产党的80年,是追求和探索在中国实行和建设社会主义的80年。党的80年历史,可分为三个阶段。党在探索中国社会主义建设道路过程中的实际指导理论有得有失,取得了一些重要理论成果。80年艰辛探索的一条重要历史经验就是搞清楚社会主义与资本主义的关系。  相似文献   

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农村党建新课题:重点解决农民党员政治入党问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
农村党组织是新农村建设的领导核心,也是维护农村稳定的第一道防线。由于各种原因,目前农村部分党员政治信念淡薄、政治意志衰退等问题日渐突出。在坚持思想入党原则的基础上,明确提出党员政治入党的要求,采取有效措施重点提高农民党员政治素质,已经成为加强农村党建的新课题。  相似文献   

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