新时代党内政治文化建设的着力点

党内政治文化影响和协调政党行动的价值、准则和信仰的系统性、生态性、整体性取向,体现着政党最深层的精神积淀,反映着政党的理想追求,对于执政党建设具有引领性、导向性、基础性意义。基于党内政治文化发展的路向和维度,新时代党内政治文化建设的主要着力点应放在以下三个方面:明晰党内政治生活的价值,包括执政为民的价值、民主集中制的价值、问题导向的价值等;培厚良好政治生态的土壤,包括以党的先进性为引导、发挥制度的规范功能、形成健康的党内政治关系等;抓住守正创新的关键环节,包括以马克思主义为指导、融合传统文化内核、承续革命文化基因等。     

邓小平严肃党内政治生活思想及其现实启示

邓小平在革命、建设和改革历程中始终坚持从严管党治党,形成了丰富的严肃党内政治生活思想。党内政治生活关乎党和国家发展命运,越是在历史发展的紧要关头越要严肃党内政治生活。严肃党内政治生活必须严明党的纪律,维护党中央权威;要坚持正确的选人用人导向,加强干部队伍建设;要坚持民主集中制,实行集体领导和个人分工负责相结合;要反对官僚主义、加强对权力的监督。邓小平严肃党内政治生活思想对于新时代严肃党内政治生活、坚持和加强党对中国特色社会主义事业的全面领导具有重要现实启示。     

严肃党内政治生活与党风廉政建设

严肃党内政治生活是中国共产党九十多年来管党治党经验的理论提升,对于保持党的先进性、纯洁性,推进党风廉政建设具有重大而深远的意义。严肃党内政治生活有助于共产党人精神补钙,提高共产党员抵制腐朽思想的自觉性;有助于执行好民主集中制原则,增强拒腐防变和抵御风险能力;有助于严格执行党规党纪,杜绝腐败现象滋生;有助于提升党内监督水平,依靠党的自身力量克服各种腐败现象的发生。当前,党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争依然面临着严峻复杂的形势,必须落实严肃党内政治生活责任主体,贵在经常、重在认真、要在细节。     

严格党内政治生活 营造良好政治生态

<正>习近平总书记在中央政治局第十六次集体学习时讲到"加强党的建设,必须营造一个良好从政环境,也就是要有一个好的政治生态。"一个好的政治生态是促进党政机关更加风清气正的必然要求,是促进全面深化改革正能量更加凝聚的重要因素,促进经济社会更好更快发展的基本保证。营造良好的政治生态,关键是进一步严格党内政治生活,坚守党内政治生活准则,不断提高党内政治生活质量和水平。     

从严治党必须从严肃党内政治生活抓起

严肃党内政治生活是全面从严治党的基础,这是党在新的历史时期做出的科学论断。加强和规范党内政治生活,必须深刻认识党内政治生活的必要性和紧迫性,遵循其基本原则,着力把握严肃党内政治生活的关键环节,从而达到增强党内政治生活的政治性、时代性、原则性、战斗性的目的。     

严肃党内政治生活的百年经验与启示

一百年来,中国共产党把严肃党内政治生活放在从严管党治党的突出位置,在革命、建设和改革的各个时期探索严肃党内政治生活的实践经验,始终把严肃党内政治生活作为"解决党内矛盾问题的钥匙"来定位,紧紧围绕增强党内政治生活"四性"这个主线,注重紧紧抓住领导干部这个"关键少数",不断推动党的事业迈上新台阶。面向未来,中国共产党应当在充分汲取历史经验基础上奋力前行,在严肃党内政治生活实践中确保坚定维护党中央权威、落实好党的民主集中制、涵养先进的党内政治文化、继承和发扬党的优良传统以及坚持用好批评与自我批评这个有力武器。     

论党内政治生活的理论架构

党内政治生活的理论架构,应涵盖党内政治生活的本质特性、党内政治生活的重点对象、党内政治生活的价值空间、党内政治生活与党内政治生态的关系、开展党内政治生活的路向选择等基本面,这也是习近平同志规范党内政治生活的重要思想点。党内政治生活具有政治性、时代性、原则性、战斗性的本质特性,其重点对象是领导干部,规范开展的党内政治生活有助于推进从严治党、强化作风建设、锤炼党员党性,同时,党内政治生活营造党内政治生态、党内政治生态塑造党内政治生活。就其主要路向而言,开展好党内政治生活,必须提高思想认知、坚持问题导向、形成全党联动、做到坚持不懈、深入开展批评与自我批评。     

中国共产党党内政治生活的历史演进与启示

党内政治生活是全面从严治党的基础性工程。中国共产党全面执政70年来,党内政治生活经历了从曲折发展到恢复正常化,再到规范加强的历史演进:从新中国成立到20世纪70年代末,是党内政治生活的曲折发展时期;从改革开放到十八大前夕,是党内政治生活的恢复发展时期;十八大以来,是党内政治生活的规范加强时期。70年来党内政治生活的历史演进给予我们深刻启示:政治自觉的反观是严肃党内政治生活的思想基础;基本路线的坚持是严肃党内政治生活的方向保证;政治纪律的强化是严肃党内政治生活的运行要求;科学制度的供给是严肃党内政治生活的制度保障;宗旨意识的唤起是严肃党内政治生活的强大动力。     

净化党内政治生态应注重党内政治文化建设

注重党内政治文化建设是中国共产党的优良传统和政治优势,中共党史就是一部注重党的政治文化建设的历史。建设党内政治文化,有利于培育优秀的政治实践主体,为净化党内政治生态提供主体支撑;有利于纠偏不良政治风气,为净化党内政治生态提供客体支撑。建设党内政治文化,要注重思想教育和引导,用坚定的理想信念武装党员,夯实净化政治生态的思想基础;要用严明的党规党纪规范党员,打造过硬政治行为主体,夯实净化政治生态的组织基础;要坚持不懈传承和创新,用丰厚的中华优秀传统文化涵养党员,夯实净化政治生态的文化基础。     

The Funding of Political Parties

Despite attempts over the last decade to bring an end to what has become an ‘arms race’ between political parties, party funding in the UK continues to defy resolution. Drawing on the experience of the committee charged by the last Labour administration to put party funding and electoral spending on a more sustainable footing, this article examines the issues and the main sticking points. It outlines the basis on which the negotiations were undertaken, and the main hurdles they sought to overcome. It highlights the disagreement between the parties on the definition of the central issue, the problems associated with the main funding sources for each of the parties, and the viability of state funding. It discusses why success proved elusive, but also why a solution is necessary, since in the absence of robust rules, parties and therefore the UK political system more broadly, are ‘a hostage to the next scandal’.     

非对称性政党制度视域下的参政党建设

所谓非对称性政党制度,是指一国内不同政党并非是势均力敌,也不是轮流执政,而是各安其位、各得其所、相互配合、相互合作,不同政党的地位和作用呈现出非对称性状态。中国的多党合作制度可以称之为非对称性政党制度,在一定意义上讲中国多党合作制度的制度优势就在于其非对称性。在中国非对称性政党制度中,参政党以其特有的存在方式在国家政治体系中占据着特殊地位并发挥着不可替代的作用。因此,要加强和完善中国特色社会主义政党制度,就必须加强参政党建设。无论从中国非对称性政党制度的的理论逻辑抑或是从中国民主政治建设实践来考察,参政党建设都是中国社会主义政治文明建设中的重要问题,是值得深入探讨的理论和实践课题。     

Political generations in Northern Ireland

Since the late 1980s, Northern Ireland has seen a radical electoral shift away from the historically dominant parties in the Catholic and Protestant blocs – the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), respectively – towards the traditionally more ‘extreme’ parties – Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). This change in aggregate support has been accompanied by increasing differences between generations as older cohorts of UUP and SDLP supporters have been replaced by newer cohorts of DUP and Sinn Fein partisans. This is not a result of increased polarisation in values and attitudes (whether overtly political or simply communal intolerance) among younger cohorts who are, if anything, slightly more moderate than their forbears. Rather, this results from the changing political context in which new generations have been socialised – in particular the expanded choice sets facing voters as they have reached voting age. This in turn has positive implications for the consolidation of devolved democratic governance.     

新媒体视阈中西方政党的现代性症候及其纠错

以新媒体为特征的信息传播的发展,导致人们的政治组织行为发生了革命性的变革.人们借助网络平台,基于共同的利益诉求结成各种网络共同体,反对集权性的、等级性的科层体制,追求个人自治、分权、开放与流动的政治生活方式.这类新型政治参与主体的出现,使得西方政党在处理阶级关系、左翼与右翼政治观以及意识形态方面,表现出明显的现代性症候与不适;为了生存与发展,西方政党针对自身存在的问题,展开了现代性纠错,提出“中性化”的新政治观,倡导基层民主政治,积极推行民主政治制度的生态延伸,反对等级、线形的结构性权力,积极利用媒体提升政党形象.     

An Analysis of Political Ambition in Britain

Representative democracies require sufficient numbers of citizens to put themselves forward as candidates for political office. Existing studies have shown that political institutions are not representative of the population as a whole, suggesting that political ambition is not evenly distributed across all potential candidates. We discuss evidence from the first systematic study of political ambition in Britain, examining the question of who is interested in putting themselves forward for political office. We find patterns in the distribution of political ambition that help to explain why British political institutions do not look like the British people as a whole and include a gender gap, a social class gap, an education gap, a north–south divide, and a personality gap. We discuss the implications of our findings for political parties, arguing that they need to adjust practices of candidate recruitment in such a way that minimises the effects of these biases.     

English Councillors and Mayoral Governance: Developing a New Dynamic for Political Accountability

Much has been written about the arrival of directly elected mayors into the English political landscape. The responses of the councillors serving on those councils to the arrival of elected mayors, has by comparison, been neglected. Yet, the construction, by councillors of a new role as the guarantor of local political accountability within mayoral councils, requires councillors to develop new patterns of political behaviour which challenge long‐held assumptions about the role of the councillor as a political representative. The paper reports the findings of research conducted amongst councillors on England's mayoral authorities, which explored how councillors have responded to the arrival of an elected mayor and what mayoral government means for our understanding of the role of the councillor within English local government.     

从政党与公民社会的关系看当代西方政党的发展趋势

当代西方国家基本上完成了国家和社会的分离,形成了较为成熟的公民社会。①在此背景下,从政党和公民社会的关系的视角来研究当代西方政党的发展趋势。共分为三个部分,在第一部分,简要地阐述了西方政党与公民社会的历史关系;在第二部分,主要论述了当代西方政党和公民社会的关系;第三部分,对当代西方政党的发展趋势进行了简单的探讨。     

Stalemate and Stagnation in Turkish Democratization: The Role of Civil Society and Political Parties

Both civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties are expected to be vital actors in democratic societies, yet the ideal relationship between the two types of groups has not been fully explored. This article analyses how the interaction between CSOs and political parties has affected democratic consolidation in contemporary Turkey. Through personal interviews with leaders of both types of groups, the study finds that traditional power relations have shifted to include a greater number of political actors. Islamists, who were previously peripheral in politics, have joined the traditionally dominant secular nationalists at the ‘centre’ of political power. However, instead of increased pluralism, the study finds Turkish society now polarized along secularist/Islamist lines, both in political parties and among CSOs. While restrictions against non-governmental organizations have been lifted in recent years and the number of groups has grown, most are still viewed as ‘arms’ of political parties, lacking an independent voice and political power. These findings suggest that the civil society sector in Turkey is underdeveloped and unable to contribute positively to the democratization process.     

Weak and Ineffective? Reassessing the Party Political Leadership of John Major

Interpretations on the party political leadership of John Major are dominated by perceptions of weakness and ineffectiveness. This article examines his party political leadership by considering the relationship between, first, his political ambitions, and, second, his style of political leadership. When evaluating the political ambitions of Major, the article will demonstrate that he was ideologically agnostic and a political pragmatist. When examining his party political leadership style, the article will demonstrate, via an examination of his management of the European policy divide and his Cabinet management, that he was politically indecisive and an avoider of political confrontation. The article concludes, however, that perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness should be contextualised due to the following two factors: first, the constraints of inheriting an ideologically divided parliamentary Conservative party; and, second, the contrasting circumstances that ensured that his predecessor and successor appeared strong and effective, which have magnified perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness.