Britain and the Recognition of Bangladesh in 1972

This analysis reviews the discussion behind Britain's recognition of Bangladesh as an independent state in February 1972. It concentrates on correspondence in the preceding six weeks between Whitehall and its diplomatic postings, particularly in the Commonwealth, and considers in detail the role of the Commonwealth Secretariat. Perceptions of recognition are first briefly discussed, followed by Bangladesh's historical background and the international security issues surrounding it. Government and Commonwealth Secretariat files are studied in detail. They show above all the influence on Government decision-making of diplomatic intelligence, in particular the importance of economic and political factors. Also revealed are London's concern for Pakistan's president, Zulfiquar Bhutto, its desire not to recognize alone and the attitude of the Commonwealth's Secretary General. The study suggests that recognition is a far more complex matter than the legal definition would imply and presents a compelling case for its further analysis in an historical context.     

中国与英国对非洲经贸关系比较

中、英两国与非洲都有密切的经贸关系.由于政治历史和地理原因,英国与非洲(尤其是英联邦非洲)的经贸交往比中国与非洲更为悠久,历史上也更为密切.但近年来,随着中国生产能力的快速增长,中非贸易发展迅猛,自2004年起已超过英非贸易.在投资方面,英国以私人为主、官方为辅的对非洲投资历时长久,在英国政府的鼓励和促进政策下,至今仍在不断增长;中国以国有企业为主的对非洲投资在近十年来有较快发展,但投资总额仍远低于英国,并由于投资经营等方面的经验与能力问题,中、英两国在对非洲承揽承包工程的最大差别则是英国公司多属私人资本,而中国公司多为国有企业.从未来发展趋势看,中、英两国在对非洲发展经贸关系上存在竞争,也存在合作的潜力.     

21世纪东盟与中国：睦邻互信的伙伴——东盟秘书长特别助理德木沙在中国（广西）——东西亚经济合作论坛上的发言

从东盟的立场看,2002年11月4日在柬埔寨金边召开的东盟和中国首脑会议是东盟与中国关系史上具有历史意义的里程碑.在会议上达成的协议建立了一个东盟对外关系的新标准,这一标准是东盟一些伙伴国[1]可以效仿的.本文纪录了这些成就,并把这些成就与正在发展的东盟与中国睦邻互信的伙伴关系联系起来.本文也为深入讨论东盟与中国合作的前景提供背景资料,并希望能起到抛砖引玉的作用.     

A Problem Postponed: Britain and the Future of Austria-Hungary, 1914-18

Imperial security and the need to contain Germany drove British policy towards Austria-Hungary during the First World War more than its view of the Dual Monarchy itself, and shifts in the course of that policy reflected the changing fortunes of war. Given its strategic interests, Britain had less scope to sustain Austria as a great power than Paul W. Schroeder has argued. Those priorities also limited the role of specialists like R.W. Seton-Watson and Sir Lewis Namier to advising on the implementation of policies made by the war cabinet rather than shaping decisions themselves. Development of wartime policy towards Austria cast the priority Britain placed on Central and Eastern Europe into sharp relief, helping to explain trends in its approach to the region through the 1940s.     

试论印度在英、印、中三角贸易中的地位问题

英国人从 17世纪开始在亚洲的活动 ,其主要据点就是印度。经过近 10 0年的发展 ,形成了英、印、中三角贸易。而在不同的历史时期 ,印度在三角贸易中的地位也相应的发生变化 ,最终成为整个贸易体系的基石。     

Master of the Game: The Relationship between the United States and Iran Revisited, 1969-1972

ABSTRACT

How and why did the Richard Nixon Administration end up with an Iran policy more in line with the preferences of the Shah of Iran than of the United States? At its onset, the Administration did not have a clearly defined or formalised Persian Gulf policy. Attempts to create over-arching guidelines regarding American conduct toward Iran were of little consequence, as the pro-Iranian inclinations of leading decision-makers led to day-to-day decisions that strongly favoured the Shah. This limited room for manoeuvre amounted to little more than acceptance of what was already established procedure. The Shah’s strenuous lobbying of American decision-makers, using their common Cold War considerations to his advantage and the effective sidelining of critical voices within the Nixon Administration, explain this outcome.     

The Preventive War that Never Happened: Britain,France, and the Rise of Germany in the 1930s

The theory of “preventive war” states that, under certain conditions, states respond to rising adversaries with military force in an attempt to forestall an adverse shift in the balance of power. British and French passivity in response to the rapid rise of Germany in the 1930s would appear to constitute one of the leading empirical anomalies in the theory, one the theory's proponents must explain. After clarifying the meaning of the preventive motivation for war and specifying the conditions under which it should be the strongest, we examine French and British behavior in the crises over the Rhineland in 1936 and Sudeten Czechoslovakia in 1938 through an intensive study of government documents and private papers. We argue that French political leaders, anticipating a continuing adverse shift in relative power, wanted to confront Hitler, but only with British support, which was not forthcoming. British leaders believed, even by 1936, that the balance of power had already shifted in Germany's favor, but that German ascendancy was only temporary and that British rearmament would redress the balance of power in a few years. We contrast our argument with alternative interpretations based on domestic political pressures and ideologically driven beliefs and interests.     

Britain and the Collapse of Egypt's Constitutional Order, 1950-52

Britain's longstanding practice of intervening in the struggle between King Farouk, the Wafd and the constitution was one of the main causes of the demise of parliamentary politics in Egypt. Indeed, the sharp deterioration in the political situation in the winter of 1951-52, which paved the way for the Free Officers' coup on 23 July 1952, was the result of a breakdown in the Anglo-Egyptian defence negotiations. The Wafd government used the 'British question' as a distraction from its own internal shortcomings. Britain responded by pursuing a policy of toppling the Wafd and replacing it with a more amenable administration. To this end, British officials manipulated the United States into co-sponsoring the Middle East Command proposals of October 1951, aware that American backing would be required during imminent disturbances in Egypt. The subsequent Ismailia incident of January 1952 hastened the collapse of Egypt's constitutional order and also transformed British perceptions of the usefulness of the Suez base.     

A western cold war: the crisis in Iceland's relations with Britain, the United States, and NATO, 1971-74

The article explores the crisis in Iceland's relations with the Western Alliance following a left-wing government's decisions, in 1971, to expand Iceland's fishery limits and to demand the withdrawal of US military forces. This sparked a cod war with Britain and a diplomatic stand-off with the United States, with NATO in the middle. It analyzes the motives behind Iceland's behaviour - especially the tension between a pro Western foreign policy course and a domestic anti Western nationalism - the Western response within the context of alliance politics and the democratic peace theory, and the role of international mediation and domestic political realignments in diffusing the crisis.     

Adhere to Win-Win Cooperation and Strengthen Confidence in Road of China:On My Visit with Delegation of CAFIU

正People often say travelling is more eye-opening than reading/'Readingsometimes cannot replace what you see or feel,and only what people see or feel during the process oftravellingcan inspire more profound thinking and realize the sublimation of cognition.In the end of May and beginning of June in 2016,I was honored to be a member of the delegation     

遏制的转向:“梅普组合”时期的中俄美三角关系

本文扼要阐述2008年5月至2012年5月"梅普组合"时期中俄美三角关系的变化。随着俄美关系的缓和,美国已将遏制战略竞争者的矛头对准中国,但这种遏制已经与冷战年代有着很大的不同,是接触中的遏制。同时,中俄战略协作出现了以往没有的政治与经济平衡发展的势头,快速发展的美俄经贸合作和能源合作对中俄相关领域的合作构成了极大的挑战。     

A Rising Naval Challenger in Asia: Lessons from Britain and Japan between the Wars

The end of Great Britain's standing as a superpower conjures up a frightening picture of how a post-American world might come about, not by a gradual, managed decline of the United States, but rather by a sudden defeat at sea. Some 70 years ago, Britain's navy suffered staggering losses at the hands of an emerging peer competitor in Asia. Could a reversal of fortune of this magnitude—the world's leading naval power being soundly beaten by a rising challenger—happen again? Britain's naval downfall in Asia provides a sobering parable, warning of potential dangers looming for the United States in the twenty-first century.     

当代英国华人社会与政治参与：以2010年大选为中心

本文以英国华人参与2010年下议院选举为中心,分析英国华人社会的变迁与政治参与。本文分为两个主要部分。第一部分讨论近20年来英国华人社会的结构及其特征,指出尽管华人人数迅速增加,但华人社会内部的多元化和碎片化的特征明显存在,这对华人社会内部凝聚力的形成和对英国国家认同感的建立有一定的阻碍作用。近来这一情形有所改变。第二部分围绕参加2010年选举的8位华裔候选人的政纲、组织、策略和选举结果,具体分析英国华人参政的成就与问题。结语部分探讨英国华人社会融合和参政的未来道路以及政策含义。     

中非交往:文明史之意义

在世界文明的体系结构中,中国与非洲似乎各在一端,分别处于十分不同的形态上。虽然从古代起,这两大文明就一直在以各种方式直接或间接地接触,但只是在过去的几十年间,特别是在最近这十来年,两者相互间的认知与交往,才在内容、形式和规模方面有了意义深远的重大拓展与提升。从不同文明交往的角度看,21世纪中非关系的全面发展将具有特殊的世界史意义。