共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Richard Kearney 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(6):781-791
Numerous problems confront federal labor management relations as we approach the year 2000. The legal structure, Title VII of the CSRA of 1978, is under heavy fire from the unions and other quarters. The perennial federal fiscal crisis has regularized retrenchment strategies and damaged the economic standing of unions and their members. The highly restricted scope of bargaining with most of the federal sector and the continuing push for contracting out also grieves the unions. Yet change comes slowly, if at all. This symposium addresses the calls for reform of the legal framework for federal labor relations. 相似文献
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R. I. R. Abeyratne 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》1996,10(2):291-316
DCL, LL.M, LL.B, Aviation Consultant and Post Doctoral Research Scholar, Faculty of Law, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. Also, Air Transport Officer, International Civil Aviation Organization. This paper has been written in the author's personal capacity. 相似文献
3.
David Whitson 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(7):1215-1232
Canada is not a peripheral country by most standards. However, since the 1960s, Canadian cities have sought to change the somewhat provincial image they have historically had, and they have used mega-events such as Olympic Games, World Expositions and other 'second order' international sports events to try to reposition themselves on the world stage. This paper examines the place promotion agendas of the two Canadian cities that have hosted Olympic Games, and will also comment on the aspirations of Vancouver, which will host the Winter Olympics in 2010. The core of the paper will concentrate on different aspects of 're-imaging' the city: image building, signalling and identity transformation. Here I argue that an important but widely overlooked aspect of increasing the stature of a city involves changing the ways that citizens of that city think about themselves. The next section will examine whether the exposure and the opportunities for civic promotion afforded by a Games actually translate into economic growth. I will argue that the evidence for this is mixed at best. Finally, the paper argues that the public money spent on Olympics typically brings the greatest benefits to local and regional elites, despite popular rhetoric that such events are good for the 'community as a whole'. 相似文献
4.
Victor Shnirelman 《欧亚研究》2018,70(6):966-990
AbstractDagestan is inhabited by numerous ethnic communities with their own languages, cultures and histories. However, despite its ethnic and cultural diversity, the republic’s authorities have consistently sought to promote a unified concept of Dagestani identity. This policy has been challenged by local ethnic nationalists concerned about the future of their ethnic communities, which they saw as being endangered by assimilation and marginalisation. This struggle to secure political and social benefits began in the Soviet period and reached its height in the early 1990s. Resentment was particularly widespread among the Kumyks and Lezgins. Their dissatisfaction with the status quo resulted in a competition between inclusive (national) and exclusive (ethnic) approaches, which in turn manifested themselves in debates over historiography. This essay analyses the development and outcomes of this struggle from the 1950s through to the early 2000s, with an emphasis on the early 1990s. 相似文献
5.
Alasdair S. Roberts 《Public administration》2005,83(1):1-23
The United Kingdom's new Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) is intended to empower citizens by granting a right to government documents. However, the law will be implemented by a government that has developed highly centralized structures for controlling the communications activity of its departments. How will the revolutionary potential of the FOIA be squared with government's concern for ‘message discipline’? Experience in implementing Canada's Access to Information Act may provide an answer. The Canadian law was intended to constrain executive authority, but officials developed internal routines and technologies to minimize its disruptive potential. These practices restrict the right to information for certain types of stakeholders, such as journalists or representatives of political parties. The conflict between public expectations of transparency and elite concerns about governability may not be adequately accounted for during implementation of the UK Freedom of Information Act. 相似文献
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Prior research on the politics of market reform in developing nations has generally ignored the significant role of federal
political and economic arrangements in shaping adjustment processes. In contrast, this research develops a model of macroeconomic
reform that accounts for the significance of subnational economic policy in the developing world’s nine major federations.
I examine five hypotheses which are expected to influence the capacity of developing federations to conduct polity consistent
with the exigencies of market pressures. With the use of a cross-sectional time-series analysis of fiscal and monetary policies,
I show that the policy divergence between levels of government shrinks when provincial governments have greater fiscal power
and there are high degrees of party centralization across levels of government. These findings have important implications
for the political economy of market reform, the widespread move toward fiscal decentralization, and the design of regional
supranational institutions.
This research is based on work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant SBR-9809211. I would like to thank
Karen Remmer, Ken Roberts, Wendy Hansen, Alok Bohara, and excellent reviewers for helpful comments. 相似文献
9.
Contracting in health care is a mechanism used by the governments of Canada, Australia and New Zealand to improve the participation of marginalized populations in primary health care and improve responsiveness to local needs. As a result, complex contractual environments have emerged. The literature on contracting in health has tended to focus on the pros and cons of classical versus relational contracts from the funder's perspective. This article proposes an analytical framework to explore the strengths and weaknesses of contractual environments that depend on a number of classical contracts, a single relational contract or a mix of the two. Examples from indigenous contracting environments are used to inform the elaboration of the framework. Results show that contractual environments that rely on a multiplicity of specific contracts are administratively onerous, while constraining opportunities for local responsiveness. Contractual environments dominated by a single relational contract produce a more flexible and administratively streamlined system. 相似文献
10.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(10-11):1133-1141
Abstract The information technology, or “IT,” functional area has been examined in some detail. This article summarizes the manpower reductions that have occurred in IT and displays the demographic impact (experience, age, educational level, race and gender mix) of these reductions. The author suggests that similar changes may be anticipated, or may have already occurred, in other functional areas that experience personnel reductions. He also reviews some of the management challenges this poses. 相似文献
11.
在新闻媒体方面,美国长期以来把自己标榜成客观、公正的典范。但实际情况是,美国的媒体并未走出受制于政府的阴影。媒体是美国国家利益的代言人,是美国国家总体利益的组成部分。一般情况下,美国政府对媒体的管理是采用一些主动的方式进行的,如召开新闻发布会、实施新闻审查等。在美国人中有这样一种传说,即“战争是新闻自由的最大障碍”。 相似文献
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美国联邦反儿童性侵害犯罪立法沿革及评介 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
随着美国儿童受到性侵害的案件的发生和广泛报道,美国联邦开始制定相应法律来保护儿童不受性侵害,主要有《雅各·威特灵侵害儿童和性暴力罪犯登记法令》、《梅根法》、《帕姆·林彻尔关于性罪犯追踪迹身份识别法令》等,其内容主要包括性犯罪者的登记、公开等制度。其内容不断的完善,但也存在无法得到实际落实等问题。 相似文献
14.
1月9—15日,苏丹南方举行公投,决定留在统一的苏丹内还是成为独立国家。此次公投是落实苏北南双方2005年签署的《全面和平协议》的重要步骤,将决定苏丹这个非洲面积最大的国家的前途命运, 相似文献
15.
This paper studies SMEs’ participation in public procurement in light of perceived barriers and expected benefits of accessing the public marketplace. It presents a comparative analysis of SMEs’ participation in three countries that share similar approaches to SME-friendly public procurement. A common survey protocol was developed to be administered to SMEs in the three countries. Data collected were then analysed using regression methods. Findings suggest that some issues that are typically considered critical barriers, namely administrative requirements and award based on lowest price do not hinder participation. However, findings also suggest that firms’ characteristics associated with size are still relevant hindrances, and that SMEs’ involvement are affected by a shortage of tangible (human and financial) and intangible resources (experience). These findings provide guidance to fine-tune public procurement policies directed to SMEs. 相似文献
16.
Lenneal J Henderson 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(7):1141-1160
The federal Small Business Administration's 8(a) program raises issues of minority business empowerment and effective policy implementation. Given the role of enterprise in both addressing the historical and contemporary problems of minority economic and community development and in empowering minority communities, and given the current nature, extent and distribution of minority, particularly African-American business establishments, the performance of the 8(a) program as a substantial infusion of capital and experience into the African-American community is essential. According to a recent report of the Commission on Minority Business Development, the 8(a) is seriously flawed in the management of the problem. Regulation and enforcement, coordination, evaluation and monitoring and accountability are serious challenges to the viability of the program. Entrepreneurial empowerment is enhanced not only by effective policy development but also be effective policy implementation of the 8(a) and other set-aside programs. 相似文献
17.
The notion of “counterinsurgency” (COIN) has for some years been the central concept driving military operations in Afghanistan, and before that, in Iraq. It constitutes the dominant idea influencing much current military planning of the major Western powers. This study questions the assumptions and relevance of the thinking behind counterinsurgency doctrine. It suggests that the ultimate effect of its dominance is to reduce the highly contingent nature of war to a list of techniques, the application of which are regarded as a sufficient precondition whenever states deem that they are confronted by conflicts that can be described as an “insurgency.” Such assumptions are both arbitrary and risk crowding out necessary, although by their nature very difficult, political judgments that are required for the effective construction and implementation of strategies that seek to ensure that the ends sought are proportional to the means employed. 相似文献
18.
In the absence of public information on the inner workings of the Russian political regime, especially during Medvedev's presidency, outside observers often have to rely on politicians' unguarded comments or subjective analysis. Instead, we turn to quantitative text analysis of political rhetoric. Treating governors as a quasi-expert panel, we argue that policy positions revealed in regional legislative addresses explain how elites perceived the distribution of power between Putin and Medvedev. We find that governors moved from a neutral position in 2009 to a clearly pro-Putin position in 2011, and that policy initiatives advocated by Medvedev all but evaporated from the rhetoric of governors in 2012. 相似文献
19.
Aaron Edwards 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):318-336
The use of terrorism as a strategy for obtaining political goals by non-state actors persists in the international system, despite attempts by states to counter the phenomenon. This article explores the resurgent threat posed to British security by dissident Irish republicans in order to illustrate the limited utility of terrorism as a strategy in the current sociopolitical context. Therefore, it has three objectives: First, it explains how strategic theory can aid in constructing a conceptual framework for explaining the persistence of terrorism, in general, and dissident republican violence, in particular. Second, it examines the dissident threat in light of the general failure of “armed struggle” to achieve republican goals in Irish politics. It is argued here that dissident republicans have confused “means” with “ends” and that this, ultimately, demonstrates the futility of their violence. Finally, the article suggests ways of tackling the dissident republican variant of terrorism. 相似文献