卢武铉悲剧与韩国民主政治转型

韩国特殊的政治生态环境,决定了其民主转型中的政治形态结构和运作方式。卢武铉悲剧除个人因素外,背后还蕴含着深刻的政治制度和政治文化因素。韩国历届总统卸任后被治罪,这种政治报复基因的延续,不仅表现在民主政治体制的运作上,也成为韩国独特的政治文化,这与其民主体制的不健全、不完善具有很大相关性。韩国政治由权威主义转向民主主义过程中呈现出明显的自然长成特点,一方面它促进了政治转型平和稳妥地实现,另一方面也使其政治转型的内在品质存有根本缺陷。因此,随着韩国民主政治制度的不断成熟和完善,卢武铉式悲剧最终将不会重演。     

亚里士多德的中产阶级政治功能思想及其发展

亚里士多德在古希腊城邦制衰败期提出以中产阶级执政来挽救城邦,认为中产阶级具有社会稳定功能,首次将中产阶级带入政治视野。随着工业革命的发展及现代民主政治的进步,关于中产阶级政治功能的讨论再次兴起,从开始的稳定与变革之争到引入政治生态背景,强调政治环境的建构对于发挥中产阶级稳定作用的意义。基于对中产阶级政治功能思想演进的总结与思考,提出缩小社会贫富差距、提高政治制度化水平及建立核心价值观能够促进中产阶级稳定作用的发挥。     

二战后德国中产阶级的发展壮大与社会民主党由“阶级党”到“人民党”的转型

二战后,德国社会结构发生了显著变化,随着中产阶级的发展壮大,传统产业无产阶级的人数日益萎缩,这在很大程度上影响了德国社会民主党的阶级基础和大选成绩;为了吸引人数日益上升的中产阶级成员,德国社会民主党通过了《哥德斯堡纲领》,实现了由“阶级党”到“人民党”为主要特征的第二轮转型;转型后的德国社会民主党获得了广大中产阶级选民的认可与支持,取得了党员人数和大选得票率急剧上升的巨大成就,但从其党员构成来看,它仍然是一个工人党员为重要成份的政党,从其政党性质来看,它仍然带有无产阶级政党的色彩.     

论当代中国政治体制改革与政治文化转型

自十一届三中全会以来,我国政治体制改革已取得数次阶段性成果,其中影响范围最广程度最深的是启动了中国政治文化由传统向现代的转型,它不仅克服了封建政治文化的滞留影响而且克服了传统社会主义政治文化的偏误,在政治主体、政治参与等方面实现了现代文化观念创新。政治文化的转型因培植了政治体制改革的民意基础而促成改革向民主法治方向过渡的不可逆性。     

民生政治参与与中国政治文化的现代转型

作为政治参与的重要形式之一,在当下中国,民生政治参与对于推进社会主义民主政治的渐进发展和中国政治文化的现代转型,具有较之其他途径更大的优势。基于紧贴民生问题、注重沟通协商、具有持续性和连续性的特性,民生政治参与不但可以营造政治文化转型所需的稳定环境、提升政治文化转型所需的政治知识和技能,而且能有效地激发政治生活主体的主体意识。因此,需在把握民生政治参与限度的前提下,强化政府对民生政治参与的引导和推动、加强公民的政治参与教育与实践、优化民生政治参与的社会生态环境,以及拓宽民生政治参与的内容和渠道,以期更好地推动民生政治参与的优化和政治文化现代转型的实现。     

韩国高校思想政治教育模式探析

自韩国成立以来,其思想政治教育效果得到一致肯定,而高校无疑在韩国思想政治教育取得成功中发挥了重大作用。研究韩国高校思想政治教育模式,透视其内容和方法,对新时期我国思想政治教育的创新和发展有着重要启示和借鉴的意义。文章试图从韩国高校思想政治教育内容、课程设置、方法等方面入手探索创新我国思想政治教育方法的思路,并提出合理化建议。     

民主转型下的抗争政治

抗争政治作为人类社会发展的一种行为方式,它既是社会学的重要范畴,也是政治学的发展概念。抗争政治理论作为一种理论发展,它既发展了社会理论,也创新了政治发展理论尤其是民主转型理论。从政治发展的角度对抗争政治进行分析,并把其放入民主转型理论的范式转换中来思考抗争政治的含义、特点和过程,有利于深入地研究和解读民主转型下的抗争政治的相关问题,应该说,抗争政治提供了民主转型的新视角,虽然抗争本身不能直接带来民主转型,但它的出现对于改变人们的政治认同、培育积极的公民意识和构建公民社会,都会产生积极的效果。抗争政治与民主转型的关联性在于：在民主国家,抗争政治是直接民主的价值体现;在威权国家,抗争政治是民主转型的催化剂;抗争政治的三种结果,即被镇压、制度化和民主转型的实现。     

韩国思想政治教育对我国的启示

韩国极具特色的思想政治教育培育了兼具民族责任感与全球视野的"世界公民",对其成功经验的借鉴也成为我国社会转型时期的时代诉求,而相似的文化背景搭建的历史平台也为互相借鉴提供了现实可能。对我国的启示主要有:注意教育手段创新;回归日常生活;立足传统;开阔视野。     

上海市新白领的政治态度与政治参与

本文使用2011年上海市的一个新白领调查样本,探讨了收入分层、职业分层、主观认同三个维度对于新白领的政治态度与政治参与的作用,同时也讨论了政治态度对于政治参与的影响效果。实证结果发现:(1)收入分层与职业分层对于新白领的政治态度和政治参与均没有明显的影响;(2)主观认同对于新白领的政治态度与政治参与具有非常明显的影响;(3)政治态度对于政治行为具有显著的影响效果,尤其是"权威主义"与"自由主义"两个维度。     

1987年以来韩国NGO与政府关系

本文以韩国1987年以来的政治民主化转型为背景,通过观察NGO与政府关系的变迁过程,探讨民主化进程中NGO的状况及其对政治民主化、国家与社会关系的塑造功能,以期为准确理解和把握韩国民主政治的转型与发展以及NGO的功能和价值提供新的解读视角和阐释空间。     

理性认识金融危机下我国中间阶层的作用

在全球性金融危机中,中国承受着巨大压力,一部分人认为,作为社会中流砥柱的中间阶层能够以其强劲的消费拉动中国经济,从而维护社会的稳定与发展。文章认为,在金融危机下,这不是一种理性的对待中间阶的态度,并从经济、政治和社会责任感三个角度,分析了在当前环境下这种观点是值得商榷的,随后,从不能正视中间阶层的现状,忽略中国社会发展的实情以及对中间阶层理解的偏差性等方面分析了持这种观点的原因。     

The Political Behavior of the Chinese Middle Class

For many, the future of China’s political development hinges upon the role of the newly rising middle class. However, little has been done to empirically examine the characteristics of the Chinese middle class. This paper is an effort to fill in this gap. It shows that, the Chinese middle class pays greater attention to politics and engages more in informal/personal activities in dealing with conflicts with government policies or officials. However, the behavior of the middle class as an aggregate is not significantly different from that of other classes when it comes to political activities that require greater civic engagement or greater courage to confront the political system. The members of the Chinese middle class are not ready to be agents of political development in action although they hold higher democratic attitudes in mind as shown in previous studies.     

An Analysis of Political Ambition in Britain

Representative democracies require sufficient numbers of citizens to put themselves forward as candidates for political office. Existing studies have shown that political institutions are not representative of the population as a whole, suggesting that political ambition is not evenly distributed across all potential candidates. We discuss evidence from the first systematic study of political ambition in Britain, examining the question of who is interested in putting themselves forward for political office. We find patterns in the distribution of political ambition that help to explain why British political institutions do not look like the British people as a whole and include a gender gap, a social class gap, an education gap, a north–south divide, and a personality gap. We discuss the implications of our findings for political parties, arguing that they need to adjust practices of candidate recruitment in such a way that minimises the effects of these biases.     

Korea and the global economic crisis

Abstract Korean policy-makers constructed the global economic crisis as a purely external threat to the domestic economy. This understanding of the crisis supported a selective retreat from neo-liberalism. More problematically, the construction of the crisis as an exogenous phenomenon allowed policy-makers to focus on maintaining short-term growth without seriously addressing the structural weaknesses of the economy that the crisis should have drawn attention to. Levels of household debt in Korea have risen since the crisis and are considerably higher than in the USA. Equally, the economy remains over reliant on exports as a source of growth.     

Identity and security in Korea

The summit meeting between the two Korean heads of state, which took place in Pyongyang in June 2000, constitutes a major turning point in the peninsula's history. As the effects of the meeting are gradually unfolding, a period of détente no longer seems impossible. But major difficulties remain unsolved and Korea will continue to be one of the world's most volatile areas. The task of this essay is to identify and analyse some of the entrenched political patterns that will challenge policy-makers in the years ahead. To do so it is necessary to portray the conflict in Korea not only in conventional ideological and geopolitical terms, but also, and primarily, as a question of identity. From such a vantage-point two components are essential in the search for a more peaceful peninsula. Substantial progress has recently been made in the first realm, the need to approach security problems, no matter how volatile they seem, in a cooperative and dialogical, rather than merely a coercive manner. The second less accepted but perhaps more important factor, revolves around the necessity to recognize that dialogue has its limits, that the party on the other side of the DMZ cannot always be accommodated or subsumed into compromise. Needed is an ethics of difference: a willingness to accept that the other's sense of identity and politics may be inherently incompatible with one's own.     

Management of Megaproject During the Turbulent Period of Economic and Political Transformation in Slovakia

Megaprojects have distinctive characters when compared with smaller construction projects. Cost overruns and time delays are quite common. Risk management of such projects is quite complex, and many risks are not evident at the beginning. We deal in detail with serious political risks that are quite strong especially in Central and Eastern Europe. At the end, the author outlines the economic impact of the project as well as possible lessons that were acquired during its realization. In the present paper, the author analyzes the process of completion of Units 3 and 4 of the nuclear power plant （NPP） in Mochovce--the largest megaproject ever realized in Slovakia. Large and complex projects, especially highways, bridges, and NPPs are unique in that their construction ventures into the jurisdictions of many other utilities and disciplines, and they tend to affect large industrial or commercial areas. As such, they influence and get influenced by many stakeholders. Project managers who are not attentively interacting the project environment are likely to face difficulties during planning and execution of their projects. Stakeholder management is a major activity in projects. This is further emphasized when projects are large and complex by nature.     

论政治文明在建设社会主义和谐社会中的作用

政治文明是社会主义现代化建设的三大目标之一,它在构建社会主义和谐社会中起重要作用。政治文明是社会进步的制度保证,是物质文明发展的间接动力,是精神文明的现实力量。     

Does China’s middle class think and act democratically? Attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward urban self-government

In the West, the middle class has been considered a potent agent of the sociopolitical transition toward democracy and the cornerstone of democratic rule. Does a middle class in China think and act democratically and hence serve as the harbinger of democratic change in that country? This study attempts to answer this critical question by examining the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of middle-class individuals toward grassroots self-government in urban China. It is based on data collected from a representative-sample survey conducted in Beijing. The findings indicate that China’s middle class expects grassroots self-government to be formed in a democratic way; yet the middle class is critical of the currently-implemented self-government system because it is not organized as democratically as they expect, and therefore the middle class is less likely to participate in the system. These findings have significant implications for the role of the Chinese middle class in the democratization of China.     

历史政治学的功能分析

历史政治学的提出引发了中国政治学界的广泛关注。作为一种新型研究路径的历史政治学不但具有客观的分析主义特征,而且和其它政治理论的研究路径一样,还具有鲜明的功能主义特征。历史政治学首先回答了政治理论的知识来源问题,从而为建构中国自主性政治学知识体系提供了可能。基于政治学取向的政治史研究有助于避免因“文化转向”而导致的历史研究的碎片化问题,这意味着历史政治学研究既追求“真相”也关怀“真理”。历史政治学的知识功能自然有其政治实践价值,那就是为治国理政提供历史解释与现实论述,并为认识合法性政治提供一套不同于理性人假设的历时性方案。     

扬汤止沸:韩国现代化中的早期反腐败--韩国现代化进程中反腐败问题研究之一

现代化过程为腐败提供了广阔的空间和大量机会.韩国现代化的过程既伴随着腐败的不断滋生,也伴随着持续不断地反腐败.韩国现代化进程中的反腐败大体可分为两个阶段,本文的研究范围是其中的第一阶段,即从上个世纪60年代初到80年代末.这一阶段的反腐败特点可概括为"扬汤止沸".政府在推动现代化的同时,辅之强有力的反腐败惩罚措施,遏制住了腐败的泛滥,使现代化得以持续推进.