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1.
A growing body of research documents the crucial role played by moral concerns in the formation of attitudes and a wide range of political behaviors. Yet extant models of moral judgment portray a direct linkage between moral intuitions and policy attitudes, leaving little room for the influence of political context. In this article, we argue that political rhetoric plays an important role in facilitating the connection between moral intuitions and political attitudes. Using a unique combination of media content analysis of the stem cell debate and individual-level measures of the public’s moral foundations, we examine the role of rhetoric in linking a person’s moral foundations to his or her attitudes. Our results show that individuals who are the most likely to have been exposed to political rhetoric have the strongest connection between their moral foundations and their attitudes on the issue. We also find that rhetoric was persuasive on this moralized issue and present suggestive evidence that it was most persuasive among those who endorsed the relevant moral foundation.  相似文献   

2.
《Orbis》2022,66(4):477-496
This article suggests that the modern discourse in Switzerland about neutrality signals a change in nature of the global understanding of neutrality from an apparently unchallengeable generic moral stance to a doctrine that requires individual policy consideration on a case-by-case basis.  相似文献   

3.
新中国的边界政策是在解决与缅甸等周边邻国边界争端的过程中逐步形成和发展起来的,体现了和平协商、互谅互让与相互调整以及睦邻、安邻等特点.由于一些海上邻国对中国海洋领土主权的不时挑衅和侵犯,中国维护海洋领土主权及权益面临着巨大挑战,也使"主权属我、搁置争议、共同开发"的政策受到了质疑.不过,在今后一个较长时期内中国政府要做的不是放弃这一政策,而是应采取积极有力措施强化其实施效力.  相似文献   

4.
Christos 《Orbis》2008,52(3):494-508
This paper examines the troubled relationship between Greece and the western alliance following the collapse of the military regime in Athens and the invasion of Cyprus. U.S. Congressional reports and the Greek parliamentary proceeding reveal the geopolitical significance of Greece to the western alliance and the frustration of the government in Athens regarding its foreign policy objectives. The Greeks might have questioned the benefits of being part of an alliance; however, it is evident that Greece's diplomatic isolation compelled her leadership to strengthen her links with the western camp. Hence, the present study assesses the attitude of the Greek government toward the Atlantic alliance and the US over the issues of NATO membership and the military installations in Greece and challenges the notion of “independence,” or else the need for detachment from the western alliance.  相似文献   

5.
外交政策在很大程度上是国内政治的延续,作为后殖民国家的印度尼西亚,其国内社会的特性对外交政策的影响尤为显著。这种影响表现在其内部的脆弱性——多样而分裂的族群、宗教、领土等问题,被视为对国家潜在的威胁,因此而产生的不安全感影响了外交政策。其独立自主外交、不结盟政策、对大国的疑虑都是这种脆弱性的体现。在中国对印尼以及东南亚的外交政策中,要充分考虑后者的脆弱性及由此衍生的不安全感。  相似文献   

6.
In this article we argue that when Former Soviet Union (FSU) leaders can obtain Western economic resources, then their foreign policy will more often be independent of Russia. The principal factor we examine with respect to securing Western economic assistance concerns the willingness of leaders to implement economic reform, an enabling condition that allows leaders to adopt policies more independent from Russia. In contrast, if leaders cannot secure Western economic resources because of a lack of reform, they are more likely to adopt a pro‐Russian orientation. In the case of Ukrainian foreign policy throughout the past decade, we contend that there are three distinct phases. These include the initial anti‐Russian policy of the early 1990s that proved unsuccessful because of a lack of reform, the more moderate Russian orientation in the middle of the decade when moderate reform was implemented, and a stronger pro‐Russian orientation by the end of the decade as reform slowed.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Recent Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the successive AKP governments has seen different populist turns. A clear distinction can be made between the thin and thick populisms of TFP, based on the status of the West. The first decade of AKP rule, when foreign policy was thinly populist, was characterised by steady de-Europeanisation, increasing engagement with regional issues and a decentring of Turkey’s Western orientation. The turn toward thick populism has been characterised by anti-Westernist discourses in which the West is resituated as the ‘other’ of Turkish political identity.  相似文献   

11.
俄罗斯外交政策的形成与全球化的兴起同步发展。因此 ,从戈尔巴乔夫到普京 ,俄罗斯外交政策的形成无不打上全球化的烙印。由于对全球化的认知不同因而使对外政策的形成也具有各不相同的特点  相似文献   

12.
普京时期俄罗斯的欧洲安全政策可以称之为"回归欧洲"政策。尽管普京执政期间该政策取得了一定的成果,但并没有达到预期的战略目标。新的领导核心"梅普组合"形成后,对其欧洲安全政策进行一系列的调整。未来俄罗斯的欧洲安全政策将以追求国家安全和欧洲安全事务平等发言权为目标建构其欧洲安全政策,从战略退缩走向积极防御,将重建"俄控区",运用经济手段,加强对欧洲国家的影响。  相似文献   

13.
我国进入WTO后 ,如何应付入世后对民族工业的冲击、实现民族工业的壮大和发展是一个极具挑战性的课题。日本当年入关后对民族工业的保护、扶持 ,中国入世后将要采取的对策 ,虽然二者所处的环境已大为不同 ,但是他山之石 ,可以为玉 ,日本成功的经验和教训可资借鉴。  相似文献   

14.
Since its institutional birth in 1947, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) / World Trade Organization (WTO) has mushroomed from 23 original contracting parties to 157 members as of September 2012. Another 28 countries are currently observers, each at varying stages of the accession process. WTO members and observers cover some 99 per cent of the world's population and over 99 per cent of global trade. However, there are still 13 states outside the multilateral rules-based trading system. This paper argues that existing explanations of membership and accession do not fully explain why these states remain outside the WTO, with implications for membership in international institutions generally. The paper tests hypotheses of non-membership based on a lack of willingness (domestic support), ability (technical capacity) or external pressure, and augments these statistical findings with a comparative country-level narrative of WTO (non-)accession decision-making in two small island countries.  相似文献   

15.
The steps-to-war thesis has become one of the dominant frameworks for explaining war in the discipline. Substantial testing has supported the empirical claims of the argument, but key theoretical questions remain. These primarily have to do with the question of endogeneity. While the steps-to-war thesis argues that each step increases the probability of war, others have argued that you might find the same empirical relationships in cases where war was anticipated, or that rivalry is the underlying causal factor for both the different variables and war itself. This study addresses these critical challenges by examining the historic timing of the steps to war in territorial claims from 1919–1995 to determine whether their sequencing supports the causal argument of the steps-to-war thesis or the various challenges to it. The results indicate that there are clear categorical differences in territorial claims that result in war, and discusses the relevant theoretical implications.  相似文献   

16.
普京执政以来,多次在《国情咨文》中强调,加入世界贸易组织是俄罗斯近年所要完成的重要任务之一.但迄今为止,俄罗斯"入世"的目标仍没有达成.  相似文献   

17.
从菲律宾的劳务输出看中新劳务合作   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
改革开放以来,中新劳务合作取得了一定的成绩。近年来,中新劳务合作出现一些矛盾与纠纷。如何保住我国劳动力在新加坡劳务市场上的地位,进一步扩大我国对外劳务输出规模?菲律宾作为世界上劳务输出的大国,其独特的劳务政策值得我们借鉴。  相似文献   

18.
印度是一个人口众多而农业生产相对落后的发展中农业大国。作为世界贸易组织 (WTO)创始成员国之一 ,印度加入WTO后为应对《农产品协定》及其他相关规则 ,选择实施了一系列方针政策 ,并已逐渐表现出一定的成效 ,然而其中也存在着一些问题。本文拟从这一角度出发 ,对印度应对WTO的对策、成效以及出现的问题作一简要分析 ,以期能为我国在加入WTO后的农业应对WTO提供一些有益的借鉴与启示  相似文献   

19.
This analysis charts the changes in British aid policy under the Margaret Thatcher government (1979–1990). In particular, it examines the impact of so-called neo-liberal ideology in overseas development strategy in an era where “structural adjustment”—aid in return for market-based reforms—became World Bank and International Monetary Fund orthodoxy. There is some evidence to show British increases in multilateral aid during the 1980s supported a neo-liberal aid policy. Bilateral aid policy, however, demonstrated a subordination of aid to foreign policy and a pro-business—not ideologically pro-market or neo-liberal—alignment. One of the results of these structural changes was the Pergau Dam scandal at the end of the Thatcher years.  相似文献   

20.
Are there noticeable differences among political parties in a country over their trade policy positions? Do left parties advocate different trade policies than right parties? In the advanced industrial countries where labor tends to be scarce, are left parties more protectionist than right ones, which represent capital owners? Political institutions within these democratic countries may affect the role of partisanship. We also investigate whether increasing globalization has led to more or less partisan polarization over trade policy. We examine 25 developed countries from 1945 to 1998 to see how their parties have competed over trade policy. Controlling for various factors, partisanship matters. Right parties consistently take more free trade stances than do left ones. Globalization and other international forces have also shaped both the nature and the extent of the domestic debate over exposure to international trade.  相似文献   

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