International influence in democratic transitions: a case comparison of Spain and Greece

Examining the impact of the international system on the domestic system in countries in the process of democratisation, the article seeks to account for the relation between regime-initiated democratic transitions and the international factor, taking two case studies of the way the international factor interacted with the decisions and tactics of regime and opposition elites. The first is the Spanish exemplary reforma pactada of 1977; the second is the much less studied case of the short-lived and aborted “Markezinis experiment” in Greece in 1973, the failure of which has been blamed by its protagonist on external- mainly American- opposition.     

The CAI as seen from Spain: a positive agreement with uncertain implementation

Asia Europe Journal - Spanish elite’s perceptions of the European Union-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) are positive given its economic and normative prospects and...     

Transforming the media: a cultural approach

Abstract

Mobile phone text messaging often is more affordable than voice messaging in the developing world. Its similarity to instant messaging and other Internet synchronous communication technologies suggests that overuse and addiction-like tendencies might be found among users, as has been identified with similar technology applications. Symptoms related to components of addiction diagnoses were found to be prevalent among 21respondents to a survey, all of whom completed questionnaires at the University of Mauritius. Between 6% and 11% of respondents showed symptoms of addiction related to tolerance, withdrawal, displacement of attention to school or work, and the inability to diminish use. Displacement of people was common among a higher percentage of respondents. The number of messages sent, and the perceived skill at using SMS technology were significant predictors of the number of addiction criteria exhibited by respondents. Among the small percentage who revealed symptoms of addiction, usage of text messaging was double to triple that found in most of the rest of the population sample studied. While gender had been shown to be a predictor of overuse tendencies in past studies, no gender differences were found for addiction measures, but males were heavier users of text messaging than females.     

Population: a new approach

Questionable assumptions are the basis of the prevailing view on population. It is assumed that rapid population growth is responsible for slums, pollution, poverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment, yet these asserted relationships have no proven scientific basis. Even rapid rates of population growth are not necessarily obstacles to economic development, but the present international economic policies of rich countries are. It also is claimed that population control programs are no substitute for other development assistance, but funds have skyrocketed and agencies mushroomed in the population field, while other development assistance has decreased. The world's economic system functions on the basis of producing short term profit for a few. Under this system, production is inevitably directed towards creating an artificial demand for increasingly useless objects, rather than meeting basic human needs. This leads in turn to wasteful methods of production which seriously harm the environment. The poor nations are essentially relegated to the role of purveyors of raw materials. Such industries as are set up are usually capital-intensive and based on Western technology, rather than labor-intensive. This impairs the ability of these nations to provide full employment and social services would would otherwise lead to lower fertility levels. Current efforts to influence birthrates are directed towards changing people's reproductive behavior. There is little reference to the social and economic factors which determine family size. Yet, it is these factors which will have to be influenced if family size is to be substantially altered. Family planning should be freely available to all, but it is the type of society which will actually determine whether or not people use family planning. The mose effective way to alter population variables is to alter societies so that their people have some hope in the future.     

Fair-trade coffee in Nicaragua and Tanzania: a comparison

Fair-trade activities in the South have tended to be studied in relation to the internal aims of the fair-trade organisations themselves. This article argues that it is also critical to consider the wider fair-trade ‘arena’ or set of interactions. The authors focus on Tanzania and Nicaragua and study the role of four key actors—small-scale producers, co-operatives, development partners, and public authorities. Using comparative data from field studies conducted in 2002–2003, the article identifies key national and international issues affecting local producers. Illustrating how fair trade evolves differently according to context, the article examines how the co-operative movement in Nicaragua has been strengthened by fair-trade production, in contrast to the situation in Tanzania. It concludes by discussing some of the challenges faced by fair trade, including how to reconcile the demands of the market with building solidarity.     

Managing the Transatlantic Gap: The Rise of Spain

Among the many frustrations hampering cooperation between Western allies is the transatlantic gap in defense capabilities. Many analysts find little reason for hope that the gap might close in the near future due to the growing differential in aggregate defense spending between the U.S. and Europe. In recent years, however, Spain set an intriguing precedent for small states entering the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). Defying economies of scale, Spain used progressive institutions at domestic and international levels along with creative geopolitics to engage both the U.S. and traditional powers in Europe. The result was that Spain, without dramatic increases in defense spending, still managed to narrow the transatlantic gap along vital dimensions. These included increased participation in the development of high-technology defense and aerospace systems as well as a stronger, independent voice in global affairs.     

菲南和平进程的回顾与思考

为了和平解决菲南穆斯林分离主义问题，菲律宾政府与穆斯林反政府武装“摩洛民族解放阵线”先后签署两个和平协议，与“摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线”也进行了长时间的和平谈判，但仍未实现菲南的和平。原因在于菲律宾政府与穆斯林组织在实现和平的目标方面存在重大分歧；双方已签署的和平协议未能成功实施，削弱了人们对和平进程的信心；此外，也未能形成一个达成和实施和平协议的有利环境。     

Enhancing the effectiveness of international development: a systems approach

Every day 25,000 people die of hunger and hunger-related causes. While it is recognised that the international development system is not as effective as it should be, years of endeavours to achieve greater harmonisation of international aid and to create an effective architecture pass by without adequate results. The article introduces a framework for enhancing the effectiveness of the international development system, based on fundamental concepts of Systems Thinking. It discusses the complex systemic challenges to development and suggests that more effective control is a key precondition for greater effectiveness in development as a whole.     

Understanding the social construction of the democratic deficit in CSDP: a Foucauldian approach

Drawing upon the Foucauldian approach of governmentality, this article argues that the democratic deficit of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) is the outcome of how governmental power flows in CSDP governance and more precisely within the governance practices of the policy. To support this argument, the narrative explores the secrecy/confidentiality, informality and normalisation of the exercise of governmental power in a concrete example of CSDP governance, the recent pooling and sharing initiative. The example shows that the official makers of CSDP pursue efficiency of governance to the detriment of the democratic quality of the policy, and this is related with the productive and expansive rationality of governmental power flowing in and between the EU institutions. Despite the fact that governmentality usually links to structural explanations, allowing limited space for the role of agency in politics, the article concludes with reflections on how the political agency of the governing EU political subjects contributes to the social construction of the democratic deficit of CSDP.     

Italian foreign policy in the post-cold war period: a neoclassical realist approach

Abstract

Drawing on a neoclassical realist approach, this article analyses the foreign policy conduct of different Italian governments from 1994 to 2008. Pressured by the post-cold war international system, these governments have been compelled to raise Italy's profile within the international system. However, the way in which successive governments have responded has differed markedly. By looking at variables located at the domestic level – elite perceptions of the distribution of power and government instability – it is possible to explain these differences. Neo-classical realism is seen as an advance on Waltzian neo-realism precisely because it allows room for domestic as well as international (or systemic) variables, and because it has a very specific focus on foreign policy as such.     

Research into practice: a comprehensive approach

This article outlines a comprehensive approach to facilitating the transfer of research into practice. It encompasses three main issues of importance: activities should be seen as part of a long-term endeavour rather than isolated one-off events; there are many audiences which may make use of the research findings in various ways; and there are many modes in which the process can be facilitated.     

The political weakness of the EU in East Asia: a constructivist approach

This paper provides a constructivist explanation of the political weakness of the EU in East Asia. By examining the corporate identity of the EU as well as its social identities towards ASEM, China and Japan, I argue that the identities which the EU has constructed towards the outside world and in relation to the region, based on self recognitions of its superpower status and the defence of certain political values, is disliked by both China and Japan for different reasons. Without the support of the two regional superpowers, the EU is not capable of getting involved in the resolution of East Asian hard political affairs.

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西班牙房地产泡沫破灭的教训

西班牙自20世纪90年代中期经济开始起飞,多年来一直是欧洲也是西方主要经济体中增长速度最快的国家。但由于西班牙经济严重依赖房地产业,在全球经济危机冲击下,房地产泡沫最终进裂,给其经济带来巨大创痛,且后患无穷。     

西班牙社会保障制度改革30年:1978～2008

西班牙1978年新宪法奠定了其构建现代社会保障制度的法律基础,这在西班牙社会保障制度发展史上具有里程碑意义.自1985年以来,社会保障制度中存在的问题和困难使得社保改革成为西班牙公共政策讨论的焦点.各利益相关者在改革路径上存在三种不同观点,一种是在维持现收现付制框架下的小幅度改革,一种是向积累制转型的激进改革,还有一种观点主张实行混合型社保制度.由于存在改革的路径依赖和可能面临的巨大转型成本-_特别是政治上的,西班牙在民主转型后的30年里并没有选择激进地改变公共保障制度,而是在现有的制度框架内围绕公平和效率予以修正和调整.但目前的经济衰退和人口老龄化带来的财政压力使西班牙面临深化改革的迫切选择.     

Mobile communication privacy management in romantic relationships: a dialectical approach

Communication technologies, such as the mobile phone, often represent a double-edged sword in romantic relationships. While the mobile phone can enhance the quality of communication, it can simultaneously become a source of conflict. The dialectic framework of communication privacy management offers a nuanced lens from which to investigate rules for the use of the mobile phone in the dyadic of romantic relationships. This study investigates mobile phone usage rules that are negotiated by adolescents and young adults in romantic relationships. The study specifically focuses on rules around mobile privacy management. Findings from in-depth interviews indicate that the negotiation of rules is a crucial part of young adult relationships. Enhancing trust and fostering harmony were important factors in the rule development process. The implications, limitations, and future possibilities for research are discussed.     

Going beyond the Roman dictator: a comprehensive approach to emergency rule,with evidence from Latin America

The aim of this article is to contribute to the debate on emergency rule, a practice that democratic theory has struggled to conceptualize. Accordingly, this article differs from existing approaches, which mainly focus on the constitutional design of regimes of exception and tend to identify the institution of the Roman dictator as their source. In contrast, we offer a comprehensive approach, considering other historical sources of emergency rule, going beyond the dichotomy of constitutional and de facto emergency, and focusing specifically on the types of emergency powers involved: executive, legislative and judicial. We propose a different way of conceptualizing emergency rule, following a political rather than a constitutional logic, and we illustrate this different conceptualization by offering evidence from Bolivia, Chile and Guatemala to demonstrate how this comprehensive approach works in practice.