How the International Criminal Court Came to Life: The Role of Non-governmental Organisations

The negotiations which led to the adoption of the International Criminal Court Statute in Rome in July 1998 owe much to non-governmental organisations' (NGOs) activism. These non-state actors developed professional skills enabling them to match state diplomats and experts. They developed particular strategies of mobilisation and thereby achieved a double goal: not only does the Rome Statute bear their mark but also their role is consecrated both within the text itself and in their relations with institutional actors. Although one has to nuance the scope of the participation of non-state actors in international negotiations and to balance it in the light of the interlocutors they have to face, this case study analyses the expertise gained by NGOs and their growing role in law-making processes.     

Views on the Current International Situation and Future International Order

The contemporary world situation is undergoing complex and deep changes and at a conjuncture of major transformation and readjustment. Generally speaking, the international situation is stable and the common wish of the people of the world is to seek peace, development and cooperation. The international balance of power is developing in the direction favourable to world peace, leaving little possibility of major scourge of war that may disequilibrate world configuration. But the old problems affecting world tranquillity are still pending with cropping up of new problems and new conflicts. The relations among major world powers are undergoing delicate changes. There is uncertainty in regional conflicts and hot spot issues in the Middle East and Africa. Traditional security threats are intertwined with non-traditional ones.     

国际政治中违反国际规范行为分析

国际关系主流学派在违反国际规范原因分析上仍存在较大分歧.理性主义学派认为违反国际规范是国际规范与国家利益相互冲突造成的.建构主义学派则认为是由于国际规范参照系模糊性与特定国际环境下决策的观念导致的.国际政治心理学认为,决策者的动机偏见使得决策者在解释其政策和外部环境时,出于维护国家利益的需要将违反国际规范视为社会可接受的行为.此外,国际规范中存在多元的参照系数和决策者对于国际环境不同认识,使得决策者在违反国际规范时在心理上心存侥幸或者刻意采取不同的标准对其行为进行解释.也就是说,违反国际规范的行为是由于国际规范本身相对的模糊性和决策者对于规范本身认知上的主观性造成的.文章试图在分析违反国际规范行为心理因素的基础之上,探究理性主义和建构主义在违反国际规范愿意分析上的契合点.     

China and the Changing International Order

from the beginning of 2014, the international order has undergone some quite dramatic changes in several parts of the world. The Ukrainianpolitical crisis has gradually evolved into a U.S.-Russia confrontation two decades after the end of the Cold War. In the Middle East, the extremist group, the Islamic State of Iraq and Al Sham （ISIS） invaded Iraq, gaining much territory in the north of the country.     

反恐与国际秩序

“９·１１”事件后，打恐已成世界政治中心和最大焦点。国际社会的大多数国家和美国对如何打恐和通过打恐建立什么样的国际秩序歧见颇大。是否尊重国家主权、是否应加强联合国的作用、是否在平等的基础上加强国际合作和是否遵循国际法是两种秩序观的分水岭。美国通过打恐，希冀建立单极独霸国际秩序的图谋可能有所得，但最终将是一枕黄粱。国际政治、经济新秩序终将成为时代主流。     

Reflections on Changes to the International Order

The current international order,especially regionally speaking,is chaotic,with the following four main features：     

Women in Command: The Impact of Female Leadership on International Organisations

After the unsuccessful search for a female UN General Secretary in 2016, the question about what would be the impact of more women leading international organisations (IOs) seems more relevant than ever. This study argues that female leaders of IOs are more inclined towards social policies than their male peers due to being socialised into the role of caregivers, and, therefore, provoke a change in the focus of their institutions’ agendas. First, it provides a detailed discussion of the presence of female leaders in IOs from 1875 to 2018. Then, it analyses both the policy agendas and the discourse of Sadako Ogata and Ruud Lubbers of UNHCR to emphasise the difference in terms of their policy outlook. Although the findings cannot definitely prove a causal relationship, they suggest that it is plausible that women promote more social policies than men, which could change the way international affairs are conducted if the number of female leaders keeps increasing.     

Learning to Learn and Building Communities of Practice: Non-governmental Organisations and Examples from Mine Action in Southeast Asia

How do non-governmental organisations (NGOs) interact with one another in specific geographical locations or over specific issue areas? This article evaluates the social learning capacities that may facilitate the development of new communities of practice among NGOs. It focuses on the structures in which NGOs have to work, the nature of the processes of interaction in which they participate, and their motivations for wanting to coordinate with one another in the first place. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2005 and 2006 in Southeast Asia, this paper focuses on the mechanisms for social learning among mine action NGOs in Southeast Asia and the ways in which what might be called a “community” of mine action in the region is starting to develop. At the same time, it raises a number of important questions regarding the coordination of NGO activities in all fields of activity and in any geographical situation.     

中国与国际秩序的耦合性试析

2008年金融危机发生后,现行国际秩序出现拐点,中国崛起与国际秩序的关系也随之成为学术界热议的焦点。本文认为,修正主义和维持现状的二分法无法准确地阐释中国与国际秩序的关系,因此借用耦合性概念,将大国与国际秩序的关系划分为非直接性耦合、控制性耦合和公共性耦合三种类型,并选取权力、制度和价值观三个变量,分析中国与国际秩序之间关系演变的特点,提出中国将以改造性介入的方式推动国际秩序从控制性耦合向公共性耦合发展的观点。     

Evolution of International Order

Current international order results from accumulation of different kinds of order in history.They were interconnected regional orders of integrated civilizations centered on a core country.     

经济全球化与国际秩序

经济全球化是当今世界潮流,必将上升为影响国际关系的主导因素之一.本文根据国际关系特点分析经济全球化的影响,围绕国际关系所立足的国家利益的变化,对经济全球化时代的国家独立与相互依赖之间的辨证关系加以论证,同时关注经济全球化所带来的国际秩序的复杂变化.     

On the Changes in the International Order

Adebate on the controversial issue of the international order has been the vogue in current times.To China,high on the agenda is the defense of the post-war international order,as the Abe administration denies Tokyo＇s past aggression by paying homage to the Yasukuni shrines （where ashes of 14 Class-A war criminals are honored）,and appears to be reinterpreting its pacifist constitution in a bid to lift the ban on collective defense.Highlighting their resolve to uphold the achievements of the Second World War,state leaders of both China and Russia have reached agreement on a joint commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the victory of the global anti-Fascist war.     

Changes in the International Order and Sino-Japan Relations

If we use different perspectives to look at the current international strategic order and big power relations, we will arrive at different conclusions. Looking at the U.S.’ups and downs, it might look like the international strategic order hasn’t changed for the U.S., it is still the only superpower. However, if we look     

建立公正的国际秩序

伊拉克战争再度引发建立何种国际秩序问题的争论。美国所要建立的是它一家独霸的世界格局,而当代世界大格局是二战后以联合国宪章为基本准则形成的大小国家一律平等的格局。世界不可能是一个大国说了算的模式,国家不论大小,互相尊重、互不干涉内政,世界的事务由所有国家协商解决,是维护世界和平的根本途径,也是各国人民不懈追求的。     

Contestation and Transformation. Final Thoughts on the Liberal International Order

Abstract

The liberal international order, the inseparable mix of US geopolitical power and ideational project of organising international relations along normative frameworks such as internationalism, institutionalism and democracy, is reeling under the pressure of profound systemic changes such as greater interconnectedness and multipolarity. Predictions abound that increasing great power competition, most visibly at play in geographical areas of contested orders, will eventually tear it down. However, even if major actors – the US included – display a selective, irregular and often instrumental commitment to the liberal order, they are still repositioning themselves in that order and not outside of it. In addition, conflict is not the default outcome of order contestation, as hybrid forms of governance are possible even in troubled regions. No doubt, the world of tomorrow will be less American-shaped and less liberal, but transformation is a more plausible future than collapse for the liberal order.     

The Transition of the International Order and China's Role

The international order is built on the principles of sovereign equality,national interests,great powers and respect for human rights among others.International rivalry and cooperation have existed side by side over the past few centuries,while the foundations of an intemational order have solidified.We are now seeing a transition in the international order that requires new innovative ways of thinking.China is seen as the key driver of these changes because of its unique status,pattern of growth and future potential.China should embrace this historic opportunity and take on its obligations to contribute to the birth of a new modern international order.     

"中国的崛起"与国际秩序的变化

本文从批判的角度整理了有关中国崛起的研究观点,介绍相关问题的争论点和观点,并提出反复思考中国崛起的意义所在.对中国崛起有很多种看法,"中国威胁论"和"中国崩溃论"是其代表性观点,但不应忽略这些观点不是同一时期出现的;围绕重要的国家利益,中美在每个重大事件上都显示出矛盾和对立的局面;从某种意义上讲,中美矛盾本质上隐含着西方式价值观和中国式逻辑的冲突;"中国发展模式"的异质性和更富进攻性的对外政策以及强烈的民族主义情绪,使西方学者讨论的焦点都集中在中国崛起是否会对东亚及世界秩序产生负面影响上;中美围绕中国崛起以及中国的作用展开了无数次争论,这种争论只是徒耗精力,美国要改变对华认识,中国则应通过实际行动证明"中国的崛起将为东亚地区的稳定和繁荣作出贡献".     

海洋话语与国际秩序转变

国际关系的演进表明,海洋话语转变是国际秩序转变的重要风向标。文章对海洋话语进行了概念分析,并将其细分成海洋硬话语与海洋软话语,明确其包涵因素和互动关系。战争、谈判、国际会议、条约及协定等是国家争取战略主导权、在国际权力格局中占据优势的重要手段,可作为海洋话语与国际秩序之间的互动机理。海洋话语与国际秩序转变主要经历了欧洲主导时期和美国主导时期,且美国主导时期延续至今。在“百年未有之大变局”时代,海洋世界多极化趋势显著,海陆联动明显,“泛海洋时代”到来;海洋话语的话语主体、结构设计、海缘范畴及议题领域等均在经历多维嬗变,国际海洋新秩序建构的可能性和必要性在不断提升。中国需把握好角色定位与策略选择,优化中国海洋战略,树立新海洋安全观,踏实构建海洋话语,在国际海洋新秩序的构建中发挥积极引领作用。     

Concept and Practice of New International Order

New international order is a worldwide topic under unceasing discussion. It is related to a complex array of issues. People have consensus as well as differences about it. Our understanding about the new international order is also constantly changing and deepening.