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1.
When invited by the organisers of the Asia-Pacific Non-governmental Organisation (NGO) Beijing+10 Forum to make a brief presentation on the question of academic feminists and the de-politicisation of feminist theorising, I asked myself: What politics? What feminist theorising? Then I remembered how close the links were between the history of feminism in academe—particularly in the form of Women's Studies—and the women's movement.2 Vina Mazumdar, ‘Whose Past, Whose History, Whose Tradition? Indigenising Women's Studies in India’, paper prepared for the International Conference on Women's Studies in Asia, Seoul, 18–21 October 2000 published in Asian Journal of Women's Studies, vol. 7, no. 1, 2001, pp. 133–53; Carol Sobritchea, ‘Imaging the Future of Asian Women's Studies and Feminist Scholarship’, paper prepared for the International Conference on Women's Studies in Asia, Seoul, 18–21 October 2000; and Tita Marlita and E. Kristi Poerwandari, ‘Indonesian Women's Movement throughout History: 1928–1965’, paper prepared for the International Conference on Women's Studies in Asia, Seoul, 18–21 October 2000, are recent narratives of the development of Women's Studies and its ties to the women's movement in India, the Philippines, and Indonesia, respectively. View all notes Ah, that politics!  相似文献   

2.
In this response to Bridget Hill's viewpoint published inWomen's History Review, 2, pp. 5-22, Judith Bennett argues that her position is more subtle and more nuanced than Hill's critique would suggest. Bennett defends the historiographical importance of re-assessing the place of continuity in women's history; she emphasizes the legitimate place of generalization in women's history; and she argues that patriarchy is a critical subject of investigation for feminist historians.  相似文献   

3.
The articles in this special collection were first presented as papers at the Women's History Network Annual Conference, held at the University of Bath in September 2000. In selecting a theme for the conference, it seemed particularly important, at the start of a new millennium, to be as inclusive as possible and to reflect the most recent developments in the field of women's history. Conference participants were encouraged to question definitions of what is heartland and what is periphery in women's history and to explore the complex interrelationship between them at a local, national and international level.  相似文献   

4.
The conflict in the Edwardian suffragette movement between Christabel and Sylvia Pankhurst has raised questions as to the relationship between the two sisters in later life. To throw light on this question the author in 2001 published in Women's History Review the text of twelve letters written from 1953, when the correspondence began, to 1957, when it ended some six months before Christabel's death. This correspondence may be supplemented by a recently discovered brief assessment of her sister written by the author's mother in February 1958, in reply to a letter of condolence sent by his parents-in-law on the occasion of Christabel's death.  相似文献   

5.
This article is a response to Barbara Blasak's article on the gendered geography of the English Co-operative movement (Women's History Review, 9, pp. 559-584. It argues that Blasak has neglected important secondary sources on regional complexity, the social structure of Co-operative membership and the division of labour within the household. Her explanation for her interesting finding that women found it more difficult to secure election to Co-operative committees in some parts of England than in others needs to be revised in the light of the full array of available published evidence.  相似文献   

6.
In this article we report on one part of an empirical project which was concerned with exploring the experience and views of Women's Studies. Data were collected from Women's Studies students and non-Women's Studies students, although here we are concerned particularly with the experience of Women's Studies students from four English universities. We begin by introducing our motivations and methods and our respondent group. In the following two sections we present our data in terms of what Women's Studies students hear about Women's Studies from others and Women's Studies' view of itself. Following this, in our discussion section we consider issues of ambivalence, backlash and marketing in relation to our data and to broader debates concerned with the status and experience of Women's Studies. Here we also consider our original question: “Why do Women's Studies?” Finally, we briefly reflect back on our data and on Women's Studies' history and consider the future.  相似文献   

7.
This paper illustrates how Sisterhood and After: The Women's Liberation Oral History Project has approached difference and diversity within the history of women's movements. I argue that the terms ‘difference and diversity’ cannot do justice to histories of black women unless they are used to highlight the impact of race on black women's experiences in women's movements. Furthermore given the widespread acknowledgment that there was tension in the British women's liberation movement over the marginalization, exclusion and racism faced by black and Asian women, the project sought to ensure that black and Asian women's varied experiences as campaigners were explored and we also asked our white interviewees about race. I show how the in-depth nature of the life history interview method holds the possibility for greater reflection on these vital and often unsettling issues in feminism's history.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

This article outlines the content of the first Women's history course established in Bulgaria, at Sofia University, in 1999. The course focuses on Bulgarian women over the period from 1840 to 1940 and includes discussion of statistical data about Women's lives, the family, education and employment, as well as Women's subjectivities and cultural identities. Attention is also given to the analysis of powerful discourses about Women's role in society and the challenge of the Women's movement to these ideas. Wherever possible, comparative material from other Balkan societies and Western Europe is explored, as well as gender differences between men and women  相似文献   

9.
Carol Morgan has proposed (Women's History Review, 6[3], 1997) that in future, rather than concentrating their efforts on studying gender conflict, labour historians should research men and women's mutual struggle in the workplace. She cautions those who ignore the implications of local labour markets, regional variations and change over time in order to maximise women's subordinate role at the point of production. These are important considerations. But in her critique, Morgan probably gives insufficient weight to the conclusions of earlier writers. Her case studies on cotton and chain-making have been previously well-researched and the rationale for investigating two such disparate trades is not fully developed. Morgan's arguments are also at variance with those historians who consider home and work to be separate but interconnected. The latter advocate the adoption of a household-centred labour history, analysing both the ‘private’ and ‘public’ spheres to investigate breadwinning patterns and union  相似文献   

10.
This article is a comment on Sheila Blackburn's response to the author's original essay, ‘Gender Constructions and Gender Relations in Cotton and Chain-making in England: a contested and varied terrain’, which appeared in Women's History Review (6[3], 1997). As the author repeats in this response, the apparently dominant artisanal discourse of the male chainmakers of nineteenth-century Walsall, supporting the exclusion of female labor from the trade, was undermined by conditions existing in Cradley Heath, where the community depended on that labor. Foregrounding this division regarding gender understandings, it is argued, provides a vantage point from which to gain a fuller and more accurate picture of the ways in which those understandings, as well as gender and community relations, were negotiated in one industry towards the end of the nineteenth century  相似文献   

11.
The article traces the history of Women's Studies from its beginnings as the ‘intellectual arm of the women's movement’. It argues that the complex story of Women's Studies has been marked by both ambiguity and uncertainty as well as sustained political commitment in the face of both institutional opposition and feminist ambivalence about Women's Studies as a field of scholarship. The development of Women's Studies occurs through crucial shifts in the theoretical paradigms of feminism and the political preoccupations of the women's movement. These shifts have both deconstructed the founding premises of feminist theory and generated a greater depth to feminist thinking and research. These challenges to Women's Studies have paralleled a different set of problems arising from the increasingly market-oriented direction pursued throughout the tertiary education sector. In spite of these difficulties Women's Studies continues to survive and constitutes an important and contested site of contemporary feminist thought.  相似文献   

12.
Sisterhood and After: The Women's Liberation Oral History Project, illuminates the impact of women's movements in the UK in tracing the life histories of key UK-based activists and intellectuals, but it more directly eludicates the biographical consequences of activism. This, I suggest, has a different but also important value, not simply in terms of understanding the impact on the many individuals who do become life-long activists, but as a contribution to cultural memories that show how gender relations can be different and better. In this respect, oral history projects can be part of a process of feminist influence that goes beyond the more measurable aspects of campaigns.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

The British General Election of 1997 witnessed the return of 120 women MPs to Parliament, of whom 101 are Labour women MPs. This article, structured in two parts, suggests, first, that the transformation in Women's legislative recruitment in 1997 is best understood as resulting from the Labour Party's policy of all-women shortlists. Drawing on empirical research, it also reveals insights into how this policy was implemented on the ground. The second part of the article offers an analysis of Women's political representation in contemporary British politics. The assumption that Women's numerical representation effects feminised change is explored through a consideration of the attitudes of women representatives. The research suggests that women MPs consider that Women's presence has the potential to transform the parliamentary political agenda and style.  相似文献   

14.
This article examines the development of women's history in Scotland since the first conference of the International Federation for Research in Women's History (1989). The title is taken from a 1997 article in Scottish Affairs (issue 18), in which Esther Breitenbach asked whether the ‘curiously rare’ women in Scottish history was a case of the ‘suppression of the female in the construction of national identity’. Thus, this study focuses on key themes in the modern period of that history, notably education, the military, politics, labour, religion and literature. It concludes that while the place of women in Scottish history has indeed been asserted since 1989, and different questions are now being asked of the source material, women are still only slowly being integrated into mainstream studies.  相似文献   

15.
This article examines the roots of Christabel Pankhurst's Women's Party in the Women's Social and Political Union's adoption of right-wing feminism during the Great War. It explores the blending of radical-right and imperialist ideology with a feminist agenda that combined a demand for women's rights with an anti-Bolshevik economic policy based on the power of female consumers. This blending of feminism and nationalism won Christabel the ‘coupon’ endorsement of the Lloyd George coalition and became the ideological platform for her parliamentary campaign in the Smethwick election. Although Christabel lost the election by 775 votes, it is contended that the Women's Party platform offers clues to the attraction of right-wing ideology to some notable figures in the women's movement.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

This article discusses the Women's Party, founded by Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst in November 1917 at a time when Britain was still fighting in World War One. It examines the origins and aims of the Women's Party which, with the slogan ‘Victory, National Security and Progress’, conflated the winning of the war with the women's cause. It is contended that global politics on the world stage as well as local politics at home shaped the agenda of the Women's Party in many differing ways.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

On 2 May 1923, the newly established BBC, launched Women's Hour, a daily bespoke programme aimed at its female audience produced by Ella Fitzgerald, a former Fleet Street journalist. In December 1923 a Women's Advisory Committee (WAC) was established to represent women's interests at the BBC with eminent members who included the Chairman of the National Federation of Women's’ Institutes, Lady Denman; the actress Dorothea Baird and the physician Elizabeth Sloan Chesser. The WAC, working with Fitzgerald and other BBC officials, introduced into Women's Hour an innovative range of programme ideas. It also prompted a debate about the premise of the programme, whether it should be about domesticity or provide escapism from the ‘common task’ of housework. In addition the WAC challenged the Women's Hour name. Through a consideration of the programme and the WAC, both of which were short-lived, this article explores how the BBC sought to address its female audience in the early 1920s.  相似文献   

18.
This article describes the place of Women's and Gender Studies programmes in Australian universities as a way of thinking about the place of feminism in the academy. It begins with a story of one such small programme at a time of stress and locates this story in an account of change in Australian universities over the last 20-plus years. The narrative traces a contradictory domain in which women, feminist scholarship and Women's and Gender Studies are enmeshed. The article draws on feminist literature about Australian universities to argue that while neo-liberal university environments are clearly places where masculinist values prevail, the flows of power around individual Women's and Gender Studies programmes cannot be simply predicted. Women's and Gender Studies programmes are thriving in some universities (on a small scale). As well as institutional imperatives Women's and Gender Studies programmes are engaged by specific intellectual challenges and some of these are sketched with reference to the Australian context. Asserting the need for dedicated research and teaching that focuses on gender, the article concludes that Women's and Gender Studies programmes in Australian universities are energetic places for this to occur. It proposes an ambivalent optimism to describe its assessment of these programmes and their viability as future places of work for feminist scholars.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

This article explores the concepts of citizenship and feminism as interpreted by six large voluntary and mainstream women's groups in England during the years 1928–39. The six organisations considered here are the Mothers' Union, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Catholic Women's League, the National Federation of Women's Institutes, the National Union of Townswomen's Guilds and the National Council of Women. The article asks why these organisations, which declared they were not feminist were committed to highlighting, and fighting for, the rights of newly enfranchised women citizens. It is concluded that for these organisations the concept of citizenship for women, as opposed to feminism, was a more effective way to secure social and economic rights for the majority of women during the inter-war period.  相似文献   

20.
Sisterhood and After: The Women's Liberation Oral History Project has attempted to capture regional and national as well as ethnic diversity within the complex geographical and political entities of the United Kingdom. We argue against generalising about the UK or ‘British’ movement, important as the cities of England and specifically London have been to the development of political mass, acknowledging the independent networks in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. Our findings suggest that in contrast to English activists' tendency to be suspicious of the state, in the ‘Celtic periphery’ of Wales, Scotland and – more complicatedly – Northern Ireland, feminists have more often sought state–level political opportunities to advance claims within these jurisdictions.  相似文献   

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