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Causal analysis of vulnerability aims to identify root causes of crises so that transformative solutions might be found. Yet root-cause analysis is absent from most climate response assessments. Framings for climate-change risk analysis often locate causality in hazards while attributing some causal weight to proximate social variables such as poverty or lack of capacity. They rarely ask why capacity is lacking, assets are inadequate or social protections are absent or fail. This contribution frames vulnerability and security as matters of access to assets and social protections. Assets and social protections each have their own context-contingent causal chains. A key recursive element in those causal chains is the ability – means and powers – of vulnerable people to influence the political economy that shapes their assets and social protections. Vulnerability is, as Sen rightly observed, linked to the lack of freedom – the freedom to influence the political economy that shapes these entitlements. In the Anthropocene, human causes of climate hazard must also now be accounted for in etiologies of disaster. However, attention to anthropogenic climate change should not occlude social causes of (and responsibility for) vulnerability – vulnerability is still produced in and by society.  相似文献   

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In this essay I expand on the analysis of the en-gendered sublime, an aesthetic concept of political consequence used in the eighteenth century. In a discussion of the initial phase of modern aesthetics I will present Immanuel Kant's opinions on the sublime's ennobling effect as having solely male connotations. This, I argue, became an important part of the construction of a new notion of citizenship on the basis of nationality and as an exclusively male domain. Furthermore, I will claim that conceptions of the “bad” sublime, as expressed by thinkers such as Edmund Burke, made up another side of this ennobling sublimity coin, which was the politically provocative defined in female terms. Aesthetics has obviously walked hand-in-hand with politics ever since Plato's Republic, and the concept of the sublime only make up a small part of this complex union—but undeniably a rather interesting one.  相似文献   

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Neil H Ritson 《Labor History》2020,61(3-4):286-299
ABSTRACT

This paper makes two major contributions: firstly, following on recent research, it offers a more detailed critical analysis of the historical role and structure of Employers’ Associations (EAs), concentrating on a detailed analysis of the range of member services offered by a local Employers’ Association within the Engineering Employers Federation (the EEF) during the 1970s. This focus is in contrast to the literature which has concentrated on the EAs national or ‘central peak’ level. It secondly addresses the ‘countervailing power’ hypothesis, and in so doing it illustrates the key roles of the disputes procedure. The study, as a typical or representative case, uses a qualitative methodology of documentary research combined with triangulation interviews of former officials: evidence which has so far not been prominent in the literature. This paper is, therefore, a significant addition to our understanding of these institutions.  相似文献   

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On 30 June 2005, the Spanish Parliament approved Law 13/2005, which amends the Civil Code to permit same-sex marriage. This formal equality measure put Spain in the spotlight of the international media. It is the culmination of a series of developments spanning from the last years of the Franco regime (which ended in 1975), through the enactment of anti-discrimination measures in 1995, to the recent fight for kinship recognition. It also follows a recent shift, from 1998 to 2005, towards the enactment of same-sex partnership laws at regional level, the approval of same-sex marriage and finally, the approval of a ‹gender identity law’ (2007). This legislative note assesses the context in which the new law on same-sex marriage has been enacted. I argue that although same-sex marriage has been represented by many activists and politicians in Spain as a gender neutral contract, it has the potential for differential impacts on lesbians and gay men, and further research and debates are needed in this area.  相似文献   

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In this article notions about the political attitudes of rural labourers in present‐day Brazil—such as ‘labourers have no opinion. They vote for whom they are told‘—are questioned. It is shown that among a group of labourers in the interior of the state of São Paulo there is a well‐developed sense of class identity and of the need for solidarity (although actual solidarity is very limited'). Their lack of involvement in national politics in contrast with their activity in local‐level politics (an activity which is, however, non‐party and personalised) and their apparently contradictory views of the nature of the Brazilian state are seen to be perfectly rational responses to the objective circumstances in which they live and work. Moreover, they have well‐developed political attitudes. The article demonstrates in what way the life‐experience of the group and the resulting world view are the basic elements which help to explain the labourers’ ideas of the political struggle and their approach to the electoral process; and it shows that the structurally different roles of men and women are reflected in their respective political attitudes.  相似文献   

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