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1.
Jane Ellen Harrison (1850–1928) and Virginia Woolf (1882–1941) are two of the most iconic figures in British feminist history whose enduring influence have helped create and sustain a multitude of feminist discourses. Interestingly, both produced their landmark feminist studies in Cambridge when it was, arguably, the most aggressively anti-feminist institution in Britain at that time. Evidence of the kind of institutionalized disciplinary control Cambridge historically exercised on women can be found in the three Committals books (1823–1894) of the Spinning House (1631–1894) in the University archives. So called because the inmates were given wool to spin, the Spinning House was a penitentiary for young girls who were judged to be compromising the morals of the undergraduates. The Spinning House had its basis in the legal authority of the University which declared ‘That the University by virtue of their Charter sanctioned by Act of Parliament, have an undoubted right to cause the Public Street to be inspected, and loose and disorderly women to be taken up and sent to the Spinning House or the house of correction’. Against the background of the culture encapsulated by the Spinning House, women academics, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, were making tremendous efforts to bring about intellectual equality. And though the two—the spinner and the woman student—occupied mutually exclusive spaces, they were nevertheless held on the margins of the power structure that produced both. This paper examines the socio-historical context and the puritan intellectual politics of Cambridge against which feminist theories of Harrison and Woolf were produced to identify some of the methods with which they negotiated masculine orthodoxy and structured their feminist discourse of alterity.  相似文献   

2.
This paper provides a selective survey of food regimes and food regime analysis since the seminal article by Harriet Friedmann and Philip McMichael in 1989, and further traced through their subsequent (individual) work. It identifies eight key elements or dimensions of food regime analysis, namely the international state system; international divisions of labour and patterns of trade; the ‘rules’ and discursive (ideological) legitimations of different food regimes; relations between agriculture and industry, including technical and environmental change in farming; dominant forms of capital and their modalities of accumulation; social forces (other than capitals and states); the tensions and contradictions of specific food regimes; and transitions between food regimes. These are used to summarise three food regimes in the history of world capitalism to date: a first regime from 1870 to 1914, a second regime from 1945 to 1973, and a third corporate food regime from the 1980s proposed by McMichael within the period of neoliberal globalisation. Questions of theory, method and evidence are noted in the course of the exposition and pulled together in a final section which criticises the ‘peasant turn’ of the ‘corporate food regime’ and the analytical and empirical weaknesses associated with it.  相似文献   

3.
Women pianists in London in the 1950s, performing mainstream repertoire (Beethoven, Schubert, Schumann, Brahms, Liszt and Chopin) as well as modern pieces which demanded stamina, physicality and bravura, were often the subject of negative reviews. The critics’ attitudes towards them seems to echo the prevailing Freudian mantra, ‘anatomy is destiny’: women, generally smaller than men, apparently possessing less power and mental capacity, were deemed unfit for this repertoire. But if some women pianists demonstrated ‘unusual’ (for women) physical and mental power, successfully performing long and difficult pieces, they too were damned by the critics, because they did not fit the traditional notion of femininity. In this article, the author demonstrates the magnitude of the effect of the cultural image of women on the reception of both the ‘feminine’ and ‘unfeminine’ women pianists in 1950s London.  相似文献   

4.
马克思主义要想中国化,就要将马克思主义的基本原理同中国的具体国情相结合。在中国共产党诞生以来的90多年历程中,党不断需要解决的课题就是马克思主义;中国化,同时也积累了丰富的经验。这些经验的精髓是:解放思想、实事求是。实践证明,马克思主义中国化是动态的发展过程。在新的历史条件下,进一步探索马克思主义与中国实际相结合的新路径、新经验,继续发展马克思主义,这是党的历史使命与现实要求。  相似文献   

5.
贯彻落实江泽民同志“三个代表”的重要思想 ,企业工会要以代表中国先进生产力的发展要求为指导 ,带领职工抓住机遇 ,维护改革 ,促进发展 ;要以代表中国先进文化的前进方向为指导 ,在企业文化建设中充分发挥组织作用、载体作用、主导作用 ;要以代表中国最广大人民的根本利益的重要思想为指导 ,切实维护职工利益。  相似文献   

6.
新世纪新阶段,特别是工会十四大以来,中国工会通过理论创新,中国特色社会主义工会理论体系不断得到发展和完善,从而为推动新形势下工会工作提供了坚实的理论支撑.  相似文献   

7.
李大钊在 80多年前第一个把马克思主义引入中国 ,与中国工人运动相结合 ,学习列宁领导十月革命的经验 ,与陈独秀一起发起创建中国共产党 ,开创了中国历史的新纪元。他全心全意为工人阶级服务 ,指导并依靠工人阶级进行革命斗争 ,开拓了中国工人运动 ,在黑暗的旧中国 ,为祖国和工人阶级的解放事业献出了自己宝贵的生命 ,成为我们永远学习和纪念的榜样。  相似文献   

8.
中国工会:转型期的诉求责难与制度救济   总被引:5,自引:2,他引:3  
中国工会作为职工权益的法定"代言人",基本职责是维护广大职工的合法权益.但在国家主导下的市场化改革中,其"代言人"资格却饱受职工权益诉求的责难,并不得不接受职工群体性的民意检验.从中国工会独有的责任属性分析,工会虽然成为职工诉求责难的直接对象,但问题的本身仍在国家.所以,基于工会责任属性的多维目标需要,国家层面的制度救济对现实中的中国工会重塑和拓展职工民意基础、巩固国家的执政基础是重要的.但长远看,国家主导下的制度供给,尤其是劳动者权利的完善才是消除职工诉求责难、实现劳动关系和谐、提升工会形象的有效选择.  相似文献   

9.
The political geography of the global soybean complex is shifting. While the complex has long been controlled by US-based transnational corporations, new agribusiness actors, business logics and power relations rooted in South America and East Asia are emerging, based in part on commodity flexing. We explore how soybean flexing is shaping and being shaped by global restructuring of the soybean processing industry. Using the divergent histories and uses of soy in China and Brazil, we propose that in order to understand the changing soy landscape, we must examine the relationships between soy's multiple-ness and flexible-ness, the political economy of soy processing, and the relationships between crop ‘flexors’ – those powerful firms that control the soy complex – with each other and with governments. We demonstrate that the agribusiness actors who are gaining more control over the soy complex are doing so in part through flexing, and that the ability to flex may ultimately determine the trajectory of global agroindustrial restructuring. Finally, we raise questions and make suggestions for further research on flex crops.  相似文献   

10.
中国共产党从建党初期就将劳动立法纳入奋斗目标之中。党领导的劳动立法在工人运动、社会变化和时代发展中不断完善,形成了具有中国特色的发展路径,取得了令人瞩目的历史成就。但早期劳动立法对劳动关系矛盾的判断脱离了当时的社会现实,以及受“左”倾影响而提出的不切实际的利益主张,在历史上产生了消极的影响。随着中国特色社会主义进入新时代,劳动立法开启了新的历史方位,改革开放初期形成的立法思路愈发难以适应当前的立法需求。当前,我国劳动立法尽管面临着问题和挑战,但是在百年探索的积淀和新的历史方位的指引下,“中国特色”日益成为推动劳动立法的法治传统和精神动力。未来的劳动立法应当适应多元化功能的需要,完善规制策略的层次性、适应性和整体性,不断促进劳动关系治理法治实践的发展。  相似文献   

11.
就业是民生之本.我国正处于经济体制转型和工业化高速发展时期,就业领域存在众多问题和难题,运用新公共管理理论,借鉴国外解决就业问题的实践经验,改革我国的就业体制,是政府解决就业问题的重要途径.  相似文献   

12.
归纳百年来中国共产党通过领导劳动关系治理促进经济崛起和社会稳定的"中国实践",提炼百年来中国共产党建立中国特色劳动关系系统的"中国智慧",总结百年来中国共产党领导下的中国特色劳动关系治理的"中国道路",能够更好地验证中国共产党为中国人民谋幸福的初心和使命.本研究基于复杂系统视角,回顾了中国共产党领导下的百年劳动关系系统...  相似文献   

13.
人力资本是支撑我国科技自立自强、高质量发展的核心要素。党的二十大报告再次提出科教兴国战略和人才强国战略,这就要求高校不断提升人才培养的水平。当前我国高校人才培养整体水平依然不高,不仅不能充分满足当前的需要,与未来发展的需要更是存在明显差距。影响我国高校人才培养质量的两大深层问题是高校行政化问题和东亚教育模式问题,前者是造成我国高校人才教育中存在诸多扭曲效应的根源性因素,后者则在很大程度上是制约高校教育高质量发展的社会深层问题。研究建议:我国未来高校人才培养需要树立实用主义导向、创新导向、长期导向、竞合导向、学术—教学均衡分流导向和适度教育导向;采取系统性思维看待高校人才培养问题,根据现代大学的教育理念采取综合措施推动高校等机构去行政化;同时从源头入手,逐步转变应试教育体系,合理设置学科及按照需求动态调整不同学科招生人数,不断深化国际合作。  相似文献   

14.
In spite of feminist criticism of the welfare state, Norwegian society is frequently perceived as gender-equal. As a truism of public discourse, gender equality affirms a neoliberal understanding of individuals as able to act independently and to freely choose their course in life. This article disrupts that truism with an analysis of a transitional process that occurred to a seemingly free and gender-equal married woman whose everyday life took an unexpected turn at the age of 50 when her husband was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease. Using an abductive method, we construct a narrative with this woman as the main character. We then use the narrative as an optical device for scrutinizing encounters between the notions “free and gender-equal woman” and “gendered next of kin”, analysing the situated becoming of gender and understanding the encounters’ potential for agency and resistance. The inquiry brings a pattern of gendered encounters into being, demonstrating how a seemingly free and gender-equal woman’s strength and independence become subordinating weaknesses in encounters with the welfare state. This paradox raises questions about the politics of everyday life in a presumably gender-equal society, brings new struggles onto the feminist agenda, and demands that the personal becomes political yet again.  相似文献   

15.
劳动教育对于中国式现代化具有基础性、战略性支撑作用。回眸历史,中国百年劳动教育的发展经历了萌芽起步、探索推进、稳步发展、创新飞跃四个阶段,分别呈现出为政治动员服务、为生产建设和阶级斗争服务、为经济发展服务、为素养教育服务的价值侧重。总结百年历史演变,劳动教育在发展完善过程中,始终将党的科学理论作为指导思想、将时代的迫切需要作为发展方向、将多样的教育形式作为重点要求,这为劳动教育的继续开展提供了借鉴。展望未来,在剖析劳动教育发展的复杂形势和根本任务的基础上,应明确劳动教育的地位、确立人全面发展的价值目标、坚持劳动与教育相结合的本质底色、构建多方共育的教育格局,从而发挥劳动教育在实现中国式现代化中的重要支撑作用,为中国式现代化培根、筑基、育人。  相似文献   

16.
劳动教育是中国特色社会主义教育制度的重要内容,新时代加强劳动教育具有重大的时代价值和战略意义。本研究运用修正的“渐进—多源流理论”分析了新时代劳动教育政策的制定过程。研究发现:劳动教育的不良指标、负面的政策反馈、焦点问题和事件构成问题源流;执政理念和价值选择、民意表达构成了政治源流;领导核心的推动作用、专家学者的政策建议、地方探索和经验、网络媒体的助推形成政策源流;习近平总书记在2018年全国教育大会上关于加强劳动教育的讲话打开了政策之窗。研究认为,在有限理性视野中,新时代劳动教育政策的制定是一个渐进调适的过程,中国语境下本土化因素对各源流产生重要影响,各源流渐进性明显,要关注网络对各源流带来的变化和影响,强化政策执行、协同推进。  相似文献   

17.
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