Expanding Japan's role in the United Nations

In 1994, Japan made a bid for a permanent UNSC seat. This reflects Japan's growing influence in the United Nations as the second largest financial contributor to the regular UN budget and to the UNPKO budget. Moreover, Japan's contribution is no longer limited to the financial realm. Japan has actively participated in UNPKO since it enacted the International Peace Cooperation Law in 1992. It has sent military contingents to three UNPKO missions and a number of civilian missions. The changing international system necessitates fundamental reforms of the UNSC. The UN's fiftieth anniversary seems to be an opportune time for establishing realistic guidelines for the SC reforms to facilitate permanent membership for Japan and Germany comparable to their growing economic and political standings at the global level. In the meantime, Japan should overcome its reluctance to commit itself to UN peacemaking operations, as Germany did, and consolidate public opinion at home and abroad in support of its bid.     

Short notices

Eastern Asia: An Introductory History, edited by Colin Mackerras. Longman Cheshire Pty Ltd., Melbourne, 1992. xiv + 639 pp., illus., tables, maps. Aus $18.99. ISBN 0–582–87005–4.

Asia Pacific: A view of its role in the New World Order, by M.S. Dobbs‐Higginson. Longman Asia Ltd., Hong Kong, 1993. xxviii + 422 pp., maps. £25.00. ISBN 962–000105–2

Korea Briefing 1993: Festival of Korea, edited by Donald N. Clark. Westview Press, Boulder CO, San Francisco and Oxford, in cooperation with The Asia Society, 1993. x + 249 pp. £9.95 paperback. ISBN 0–8133–8770–1.

Southeast Asian Affairs 1992, edited by Daljit Singh. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 1992. x + 364 pp. S$ 26.00. ISSN 0377–5437.     

Credible commitment without independent regulatory agent: Evidence from the Security Council's United Nations Compensation Commission

Credible commitment problems arise whenever decisions made according to short‐term incentives undermine long‐term policy goals. While political actors can credibly commit themselves to their long‐term policy goals by delegating decisions to independent regulatory agencies, the member states of international institutions rarely sacrifice control over regulatory decisions. Against the backdrop of the United Nations Compensation Commission established by the Security Council to settle claims on damage from the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, we present an institutional arrangement that promises to credibly commit member states to their previously defined interests without excluding them from the decision process. It separates the stages of rulemaking and rule application, and is reinforced by conditional agenda‐setting of an advisory body. We probe the theoretical claim with evidence from a unique data set that shows that the Commission settled compensation claims in a remarkably consistent way. The arrangement provides a blueprint for comparable regulatory tasks in many areas of international, European, or domestic politics, in which independent regulation is not feasible.     

Short notices

Jacques Frémeaux, Le monde arabe et la sécurité de la France depuis 1958. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1995. 328pp. Ind. Bibl. FF198.00.

Gérard Chaliand and Jean‐Pierre Rageau, The Penguin Atlas of Diasporas, trans. from the French by A. M. Berrett. London: Viking, 1995. xxii+183pp. Maps. Illus. £20.00.

Franco Ferraroti, The Temptation to Forget: Racism, Anti‐Semitism, Neo‐Nazism. Westport, CT and London: Greenwood Press, 1994 (Contributions in Sociology, 110). 190pp. Notes. Bibl. £44.95.

Les Back, New Ethnicities and Urban Culture: Racisms and Multiculture in Young Lives. London: UCL Press, 1996 (Race and Representation, 2). xii+288pp. Appends. Notes. Bibl. Ind. £12.95 (pbk).     

Short notices

Sourcebook of Korean Civilisation; Vol. 1: From the Earliest Times to the Sixteenth Century, edited by Peter H. Lee. Columbia University Press, New York, 1993. xxiv + 750 pp. £32.50. ISBN 0–231–07912–5.

War and Revolution in Japan, edited by Ian Neary. Sandgate Folkstone, Kent: The Japan Library. 1993. x+ 179 pp. £12.99. ISBN 1–873410–08–5.

Crises and Commitments: The Politics and Diplomacy of Australia's Involvement in Southeast Asian Conflicts 1948–1965, by Peter Edwards with Gregory Pemberton. Allen & Unwin in Association with the Australian War Memorial, North Sydney, NSW, 1992. xix + 515 pp., illus. £35. ISBN 1–86373–184–9.

Cambridge History of Japan: Vol. 1: Ancient Japan, edited by Delmar Brown. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York and Oakleigh, Victoria, 1993. Maps, figures and tables, xiii + 602 pp. £70.

Australia's Business Challenge: South‐East Asia in the 1990s, East Asia Analytical Unit, Department of Foreign Affairs and Austrade, Canberra, ACT, 1992. xlix + 328 pp. ISBN 0–644–25852–7.     

Short notices

E. J. Feuchtwanger, From Weimar to Hitler. Germany 1918–1933. London: Macmillan, 1993. x+376pp. Appends. Notes. Bibl. Ind. £45.00.

David Welch, The Third Reich: Politics and Propaganda. London: Routledge, 1993. xvi+203pp. Notes. Bibl. Ind. Illus. £30.00.

Walter L. Adamson, Avant‐Garde Florence. From Modernism to Fascism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993. xiv+338pp. Notes. Bibl. Ind. Illus. £31.95.

Melvin M. Leiman, The Political Economy of Racism: A History. London: Pluto Press, 1993. x+272pp. Notes. Bibl. Ind. £13.95.

Gilles Bresson and Christian Lionet, Le Pen. Biographie. Paris: Editions du Seuil (Les Épreuves des faites), 1994. 480pp. Ind. Illus.     

Short notices

Gertjan Dijkink, National Identify and Geopolitical Visions. Maps of Pride and Pain. London: Routledge, 1996. x+188pp. Notes. Bibl. Ind. Illus. £12.99 pbk.

Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana. The Development of Afro‐Creole Culture in the Eighteenth Century. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995. xxii+434pp. Appends. Notes. Ind. Tables. £15.95 pbk.

Philip Jenkins, Hoods and Shirts: The Extreme Right in Pennsylvania 1925–1950. Chapel Hill, NC and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1997. xiv+343pp. Notes. Ind. $29.95.

Jill Rutter, Refugees. We Left Because We Had To. An Educational Book for 14–18 Year Olds, 2nd edn. London: Refugee Council, 1996. 248pp. Illus. Appends. £6.00 pbk.

Juan F. Perea (ed.), Immigrants Out! The New Nativism and the Anti‐Immigrant Impulse in the United States. New York and London: New York University Press, 1997 (Critical America). xvi+342pp. Notes. Ind. $19.95 pbk.

Uwe Puschner, Walter Schmitz and Justus H. Ulbricht (eds), Handbuch zur ‘Völkischen Bewegung’ 1871–1918. Munich, New Providence, London, Paris: K. G. Saur, 1996. xvii+978pp. Bibls. Appends. Inds.

Lyman Tower Sargent (ed.), Extremism in America: A Reader. New York: New York University Press, 1995. xvi+385pp. Bibl. $17.95 pbk.     

Japan's security agenda in the post‐cold war era

The radically changed regional security environment in the post‐cold war Asia‐Pacific poses serious challenges to Japan's security policy. Tokyo must develop a new strategic view of the region to complement its tendency to emphasize security based on economic growth and interdependence. Japan's relations with the United States, Russia and China have far‐reaching, long‐term regional security implications, yet Tokyo is barely managing to respond to bilateral political and economic issues as they arise. While the waning of the cold war security threat and budgetary considerations are putting increasing constraints on Tokyo's spending for both defence and foreign economic assistance, there are conflicting international demands and fears concerning expanded Japanese international security roles. At the same time, Tokyo's desire to participate more actively in United Nations peacekeeping and to gain a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council is hampered by the domestic constitutional debate and widespread pacifism, both legacies of the Second World War and the cold war. Tokyo must muster both domestic and international support for legitimate uses of the nation's enormous power potential.     

Local Ownership and International Oversight: Police Reform in Post-Yugoslav States

ABSTRACT

This article compares the results of police reform in three post-Yugoslav states that vary in terms of local ownership. Using survey, focus group, and interview data gathered in Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia, we find that the public perceives the police force created and trained by international oversight as more capable and legitimate when compared to police forces that grew under local ownership. Insulation from political and societal influence led to a more capable and legitimate police force in Kosovo, while the politicization of the police force under local ownership undermined its capacity and legitimacy in Macedonia and Serbia.     

Model United Nations: Review for First-Time Instructors and Advisors

ABSTRACT

This review examines the Model United Nations (MUN) program at the collegiate level and provides useful information for advisors that are leading MUN for the first time.     

The Authority–Identity Relation: Symbolic References and Interpretative Authority in Postwar Kosovo

In postwar Kosovo, international and Kosovar political actors claiming authority in the democratization and statebuilding process lacked a long-standing ‘authoritative relation’ with each other and the citizenry. To analyse the structural conditions for the emergence of political authority, the article suggests applying the analytical framework of ‘interpretative authority’, which captures the relational character and simultaneity of authority generation by international and Kosovar actors. Given that Kosovo had unsecured symbolic conditions for authority – no commonly shared symbols of unity for all communities and no commonly agreed interpreter of symbols of unity – political actors were competing intensely for the identity and symbolizations of the ‘new’ Kosovo in their attempts to gain authority in various institutional opportunity structures. The competition over authority and the attempts to denationalize public communications made by the international administration, the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), led to the reimbursement of particularistic symbolic references of Kosovar actors, thereby keeping the unsecured symbolic conditions and the weakness of interpretative political authority in Kosovo stable.     

Postwar Reconstruction,the Reverse Course and the New Way Forward: Bis Repetitas?

Abstract

While comprehensive studies on UN peacebuilding assert that ‘learning has not … been one of the strengths of the United Nations’ (Chesterman 2004, p.256), research so far has largely ignored the UN's institutional infrastructure for learning. This essay seeks to contribute to closing this gap by surveying the evolution of the UN's learning infrastructure from the early 1990s to the present. Despite some progress in recent years, the lack of resources, coordination and political will means that turning the UN bureaucracy into a learning organization is unfinished business at best. Rather than focusing all attention on the new Peacebuilding Commission, policymakers and researchers alike should invest additional resources in analysing and strengthening the learning capacity of the UN peacebuilding apparatus.     

The body as a form of representation

This article explores some discursive constructions of slums and the narrative foundations that sustain them. In such discourses, the distancing function of language demarcates a slum-line that defines and creates a “natural” separation between slums and the rest of urban populations to the extent that some see that the modern concept of slum opens an urban dimension of Orientalism. Slum discourses generate narratives that, after repeated exposure, accrue to become history, culture and knowledge. Drawing from Bruner's work on narrative accrual, this article studies how slum-narratives accrue according to specific agendas that determine lines of socio-political action on slum-dwellers.     

The UN system's contribution to Asia-Pacific security architecture

Although it has been the major states of China, the former Soviet Union and especially the United States that have made the major contributions to shaping the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region since 1945, the UN system has played a useful, adjunct role. This is especially the case in the post-Cold War era when its principal bodies, together with its various specialized agencies, have provided vital support in moving warring societies into a period of relative peace and stability. The UN peace-building operations in Cambodia and East Timor were some of the most demanding ever undertaken by this universal institution. But beyond these particular examples, the United Nations has been influential in the region in other, more indirect, ways. It has set standards, its charter has been a powerful source of ideas when it comes to composing parallel documents at the state or regional levels, and it has helped with the negotiation of global arms control treaties, making up to some degree for the absence of such arrangements at the regional level. The UN has also had a legitimating function, providing an arena where Asia-Pacific states can publicize their grievances, and receive approval or reprimand for their behaviour. It has played a valuable role, too, as third-party mediator. However, the UN's political structure constrains the contribution it can make to the security order since it is reliant on major state agreement before it can act. Veto power - not its actual use but simply its anticipated use - gives China, Russia and the United States a controlling function with respect to a potential UN role in the management of conflict. Beijing and Washington would work, and have worked, to exclude the United Nations from major involvement in conflicts in which they have direct security interests: the Taiwan and Korean issues being the two most obvious in this regard. Thus, the United Nations is a useful buttress but not a central pillar of the region's security architecture.     

Performance accountability in the UN Secretariat – The conflictual way toward more flexibility

The article investigates accountability structures in the Secretariat of the United Nations (UN) by emphasizing the institutional design and the interaction between member states and Secretariat. Empirical findings indicate that reform endeavors toward a more performance‐based accountability in the UN Secretariat have fallen short. The article finds that mistrust between Secretariat and member states and among the member states themselves is predominantly responsible for the identified shortcomings and outlines how polarized the legislative organs – namely the member states – are. Evidently, a substantial concern of the countries represented in the G77 is that an empowerment of the Secretariat would ultimately lead to an empowerment of the influential donor countries and the permanent members of the Security Council. Consequently, the authors identify three main challenges that have to be handled in order to move toward a more performance oriented accountability structure: The creation of a trusting environment and strategic partnerships between the governing bodies, the further empowerment of senior managers, and a review of the current performance management system. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

UN Peace Operations and Conflicting Legitimacies

ABSTRACT

Analyses of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping increasingly consider legitimacy a key factor for success, conceiving of it as a resource that operations should seek and use in the pursuit of their goals. However, these analyses rarely break down legitimacy by source. Because the UN is an organization with multiple identities and duties however, different legitimacy sources – in particular output and procedural legitimacy – and the UN’s corresponding legitimation practices come into conflict in the context of peacekeeping. Drawing on a range of examples and the specific case of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), this article argues that looking at different legitimacy sources and linking them to the institutional identity of the UN is thus critical, and it shows how the UN’s contradictory legitimation practices can reduce overall legitimacy perceptions.     

Supporting Dictatorship and Promoting Human Rights? UN Technical Assistance to Egypt

Abstract

Does UN human rights technical assistance weaken or strengthen authoritarian dictatorship in Egypt? Drawing on interviews with UN, donor and domestic human rights non-governmental organization representatives conducted in Egypt in 2007 and 2010, this article focuses on the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)/Egypt's BENAA Human Rights Capacity Building Project. The UNDP partnered with the Egyptian government to train public officials in human rights protections and to facilitate elite socialization, a strategy recommended by social constructivism. Critics, however, assert that such technical assistance strengthens rather than weakens authoritarianism. This article explores conflicts between UN and state goals in implementing technical assistance projects, as well as competing assumptions about norm diffusion and internalization held by supporters and critics of the programme.     

The Local Legitimacy of Peacekeepers

ABSTRACT

Recent scholarship and policy doctrine alike have identified local legitimacy as an important ‘success factor’ in peacekeeping – but like many such calls for greater attention to local dynamics, it is often unclear what local legitimacy actually means, how to analyse it, what causal processes are at work, and what might obstruct the operationalization of well-intentioned policy recommendations for peacekeepers to seek local legitimacy. This article aims to bring clarity to the complex concept of local legitimacy, including the ways in which insights drawn from legitimacy theory developed in very different social contexts can be adapted to the realities of the conflict societies into which peacekeepers deploy. First, it examines what it means to locate the legitimacy of peace operations at the local level, rather than the international. Second, it clarifies the causal links between peacekeepers’ legitimacy and their effectiveness, reviewing scholarship on local legitimacy and its adaptation of broader legitimacy theory. Third, it identifies three important reasons that locally legitimizing peacekeepers is so difficult in practice, distinguishing between the difficulties derived from the particular features of conflict societies and those derived from the institutional characteristics of peace operations.     

Ownership in Theory and in Practice: Transfer of Authority in UN Statebuilding Operations

The language of ‘ownership’ is commonly used in statebuilding operations, but it is not clear that the term has either consistency or substance. It certainly does not have its literal meaning, in the sense of rights of possession either of property or a formal stake in an organization, such as shares in a corporation. Instead ownership tends to be used figuratively – much as ‘buy-in’ in this context usually does not suggest an actual financial transaction – to refer in a more vague way to the relationship between stakeholders, with meanings ranging from a sense of attachment to a programme or operation, to (rarely) actual controlling authority. This essay explores how ownership emerged as a shibboleth of the development community and how it has influenced UN statebuilding operations. The emphasis will be on rule of law institutions, but the critique of ownership applies to post-conflict operations more generally.     

Problematising UN-local Civil Society Engagement in Peacebuilding: Towards Non-modern Epistemes Through Relationality

ABSTRACT

This article seeks to argue that the problematic engagement between United Nations peacebuilding and local civil society reveals an ontological tension between different forms of conceiving of actors and processes in peacebuilding contexts. Relationality is introduced as a potential analytical breakthrough. The article problematises UN static categorisations as failing to capture the complexity of local civil society and imposing a highly technical form of engagement. Unaware of these limitations, the UN seeks to instrumentalise local civil society to engage it in peacebuilding settings. This pattern is critically presented here as a totalising process through which the UN attempts to secure modernity.