共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
In 1993, the Social Democratic Party in Sweden adopted the zipper system, a gender quota system whereby women and men are placed alternately on all party lists. The National Federation of Social Democratic Women had, however, as early as in 1928 proposed that the Social Democratic Party introduce gender quotas so that women would be placed in safe positions on the party lists. In this article, the struggle of The National Federation of Social Democratic Women for an increased parliamentary representation of women and its demand for gender quotas during the period 1970–1993 is analysed. Its strategies to put the issue of women's under‐representation on the political agenda are outlined as well as the major discursive frames that the debate was embedded within. The article suggests that the discursive controversies over gender quotas can best be understood in the context of competing conceptions regarding historical development, equal opportunity, local autonomy and cooperation between women and men. One main point is that the zipper system, despite its radical institutional effect, can be seen as a discursive solution to the norm of cooperation. 相似文献
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Catherine Fowler 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(1):101-107
The documentary filmmaker Kim Longinotto talks to Catherine Fowler about her latest film The Day I Will Never Forget (2003) about female genital mutilation (FGM) in Africa. Longinotto’s films have consistently interrogated our understanding of womens’ place in the world, and her latest film is no exception. She discusses how she found her subjects: Fardohsa, a midwife who has been campaigning against FGM, a group of girls who have (successfully) taken their parents to court in order to prevent FGM being practised, and Fouzia, a girl of nine who reads a poem that she wrote the day after she was circumcised, asking her mother to explain why she put her daughter through such a painful experience. Longinotto also discusses the ethical issues raised by her filming of a circumcision of two sisters, and the wider issues that her film engages: the powerless position of women in African societies, the confusion of religion and culture in discussions of FGM, and the impact of saying ‘no’ to this practice. 相似文献
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Meera Kosambi 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2004,19(43):19-28
‘The silence of a thousand years is broken’ exulted Rachel Bodley's introduction to Pandita Ramabai's feminist manifesto The High‐caste Hindu Woman, which was published in 1887 and sold 9,000 copies internationally within a year.1 Its author was instantly made into an icon in Western countries from the United States to Australia, to linger on in their collective memories, even as she was relegated to ‘silence’ in the social histories and discourses of India. This conundrum, pivotal to an understanding of her life and, I submit, rooted in her feminism, is still to be addressed. The numerous and informative biographies of Ramabai (23 April 1858–5 April 1922) have been located within two distinct paradigms: one projects her life, sometimes almost hagiographically, as a triumphant expression of the Christian impulse;2 and the other valorises her advocacy of women's education while sidestepping the issue of religion.3 Both elide her feminism. Recent feminist scholarship on Ramabai has impressively interwoven multiple disciplinary and ideological strands, but tended to focus either on her passage to Christianity,4 or her reverse gaze at the West during international travels.5 The parameters of her life and of her feminism have rarely been clearly outlined.6 In this article I propose to analyse her feminism by tracing her multiple ideological trajectories mainly through a discussion of some of her landmark writings, and then indicate the problematic of her representation of the highly troped ‘oppressed Indian woman’. 相似文献
17.
18.
19.
Peter Taylor Klein 《The Journal of peasant studies》2015,42(6):1137-1156
This contribution uses the case of Brazil's largest infrastructure project, the Belo Monte hydroelectric facility, to examine the challenges and opportunities for resistance and claims-making in the face of contemporary development projects. It shows that the confluence of the privatized nature of hydroelectric projects and the government's purported commitment to democratic, participatory development has impacts. I argue that this context, on the one hand, contributes to the fracturing of civil society. On the other hand, it presents opportunities for the creation of surprising alliances among diverse resistance groups and the state. I further argue that direct acts of resistance in this context can encourage the state to work for the public good. 相似文献
20.