论公安政策研究机构的多元化问题

公安政策研究机构是公安政策科学的教育工作者、研究工作者、实践工作者和政治与社会公安活动者共同合作的场所,是融科学、知识和艺术为一体的综合性公安政策研究和公安政策咨询组织形式。公安政策研究机构研究目的与自身利益的关系主要是指公安政策研究机构自身利益与公安政策过程的关系。公安政策研究机构利益偏好主要类型包括:官方公安政策研究机构的利益偏好、非官方公安政策研究机构的利益偏好以及半官方公安政策研究机构的利益偏好。多元化的公安政策研究机构有利于公安利益的均衡,有利于公安政策经济、效率和效益的提升。     

Political transitions: Opportunities to renegotiate the public service bargain

Adopting a public service perspective of transitions in Westminster systems and connecting literature on transitions with public service bargains (PSBs), this research note proposes that transitions not only increase existing tensions between politicians and the public service, but also provide opportunities to forge new PSBs to defuse these tensions. It argues that public service institutions should move beyond individually negotiated transition responses towards corporately driven PSB negotiations across the political–public service interface on a rolling basis in order to promote the cause of democratic governance. It also invites others to take up this perspective and develop research to probe these ideas further.     

国外新制度主义政治学研究述评

新制度主义政治学作为当代西方政治学研究的主导范式,不仅推动了政治科学研究内容的更新,还进一步拓展了政治科学的研究领域,为制度理论的建构和发展做出积极的贡献。本文主要从制度研究的适用领域与政治学本位视角、新制度主义政治学内在争论的焦点、新制度主义政治学的权力基础、新制度主义视阈下政治制度研究的整合与超越四个方面,对国外新制度主义政治学的研究现状与理论发展进行综合性的评述。     

The work of Canadian political staffers in parliamentary caucus research offices

Since 1970, recognized political parties in the Canadian House of Commons have received funding for caucus research offices. Staffed by political partisans, research offices provide policy, communications, research and administrative support to party leaders and their parliamentary caucuses. This research note examines the evolving organization, work and function of these offices. It demonstrates, first, that the tendency towards centralization, evident in Canadian politics for decades, is clearly reflected in research offices’ primary support for leaders rather than individual caucus members. Second, research offices are integral to parties’ strategic communications and marketing efforts, and this, especially in government, often eclipses their policy contribution. Third, while the government party views caucus researchers as a useful supplement to public service and ministerial office resources, opposition parties rely heavily on their caucus research offices as their dominant source of staff capacity.     

Open data and its institutional ecosystems: A comparative cross‐jurisdictional analysis of open data platforms

This research note explores consistent patterns in the development of open data phenomena in various institutional contexts. The research is based on cross‐jurisdictional analysis of open data platforms promoted today in more than 30 countries at local, sub‐national, national and supranational levels. Key findings suggest that, institutionally, the instrumentation of the concept is a highly context‐dependable undertaking. Almost all observed cases tend to be affected by fundamental administrative frameworks within which they are promoted, which could generally be classified in accordance with three consistently repetitive institutional patterns. The research note offers a new research agenda to elaborate further on open data as institutional phenomena.     

浅谈主题班会在大学生就业指导工作中的作用

学生班会作为加强大学生思想政治教育、事务管理和发展指导的重要中介和桥梁，是开展班级工作、提升大学生综合素质和竞争力的重要载体，在就业指导工作中有着举足轻重的作用。但目前还存在着对班会重视程度不够、就业指导作用发掘不足等问题。开展好学生班会，对于更好地开展就业指导工作，增强在校生的就业竞争力具有重要的意义。     

Use of systematic literature reviews in Canadian government departments: Where do we need to go?

The article reports on ongoing reflections on how to improve the structures and processes by which relevant research findings produced outside Canadian government departments (for example, in universities, think tanks or other research institutions) can be more effectively found, assessed for potential biases, synthesized and disseminated to provide support to government analysts, advisers and decision makers. The focus is on how to structure and routinize research use by government analysts and advisers within a large Canadian department that has a strategic research directorate and many program divisions. Our starting point is the current situation where literature reviews that are produced and used by government analysts and advisers do not correspond to the systematic review standards. We discuss four alternative models. In two models, the whole production process would be controlled from within the department. In the other two models, external actors such as university‐based teams or independent non‐governmental evidence centres would carry the leadership in producing those reviews.     

How malleable are political‐economic institutions? The case of labour‐market decision‐making in British Columbia

Abstract: This article reviews two efforts to reform labour‐market decision‐making in British Columbia during the 1990s that were designed to increase the private sector's role in developing and administering education and training programs. The first effort was the British Columbia Labour Force Development Board, created in 1994 and closed in 1996; the second was the Industry Training and Apprenticeship Commission, launched in 1997 and still in operation at the time of writing. Each reform sought to foster cooperation among public‐ and private‐sector actors in the labour‐market field in “associational” arrangements. In so doing, the reforms ran counter to institutionally entrenched patterns of behaviour in B.C.‘s political economy, which favour conflict between business and labour and limited involvement of private‐sector actors in public‐sector labour‐market institutions. This article assesses the extent to which these institutional constraints precluded the success of these reforms. The evidence suggests that they did, and that political‐economic institutions are therefore a powerful and relatively rigid constraint on innovations of the associational type. Nevertheless, the article concludes that such reforms are more likely to succeed at the sectoral or local level, where these constraints are less compelling and where the forces that encourage associational reforms are particulary strong. Sommaire: Cet article passé en revue deux efforts de réforme de la prise de décisions concemant le marché du travail en Colombie‐Britannique au cours des années 1990 et qui visaient à augmenter le rôle du secteur privé dans I'elaboration et l'administra‐tion des programmes d'enseignement et de formation. Le premier de ces efforts fut le Conseil de développement de la main‐doeuvre de la Colombie‐Britannique, créé en 1994 et aboli en 1996; le deuxième fut la Commission d'apprentissage et de formation industriels, mise sur pied en 1997 et existant toujours à l'heure actuelles. Chacune de ces réformes visait à favoriser la collaboration entre les intervenants publics et privés du marché du travail, au moyen d'arrangements « associatifs «. Ce faisant, les réformes allaient à l'encontre des comportements institutionnellement ancrés dans I'économie politique de la C‐B., qui favorisent le conflit entre le patronat et les syndicates ainsi qu'une participation limitée des intervenants du secteur privé dans les institutions du marché du travail du secteur public. Cet article évaluée à quel point ces contraintes institutionnelles ont ernpiêché la réussite de ces réformes. Il semblerait effectivement qu'elles I'ont empêkhé. Les institutions politico‐économiques représen‐tent donc une contrainte rigide et puissante pour les innovations de type associatif. Néanmoins, on conclut que de telles réformes ont de meilleures chances de succé‐formes ont de meilleures chances de succès au niveau sedoriel ou local, où ces contraintes sont moindres et où les forces qui encouragent les réformes associatives sont particulièrement fortes.     

当代美国利益集团的内在运行机制--质疑奥尔森的集体行动逻辑

利益集团是政治学理论研究的一个重要行为体,在美国政治科学领域甚至形成为利益集团的研究路径.但是,对于利益集团的内在运作机制问题,学术界一直众说纷纭,莫衷一是.关于利益集团的内在机制问题,奥尔森运用经济学的方法对集体行动的逻辑特别是经济利益集团提供了有限的解释,并没有覆盖非经济利益集团的集体行动问题.真正周延地解决集体行动的逻辑,必须综合解决人们为什么愿意加入利益集团、集团意见的整合及其组织领导等问题,美国的政治生态为利益集团的生长和活跃提供了这些条件.     

从广义维度看人类社会政治实践的历史形态

政治实践与人类社会同步产生，并贯穿于人类社会发展的始终。从立体结构的视角来看，政治实践发展的主流形态表现为“社会政治实践-国家政治实践-社会政治实践”否定之否定的历史轨迹；而从政治主体的视角来看，人类社会政治实践的历史发展表现为“氏族型政治实践-阶级型政治实践-人民型政治实践-人类型政治实践”整合性推进的历史沿革。     

Above and below the line: Strategic communications and media management in Canadian governments

This research note examines “below the line” media relations planning templates that are used to coordinate the release of government information, such as communications plans, event proposals and social media calendars. Methodological pathways to collect data through access to information are discussed. Templates and guidelines obtained from Canadian federal, provincial and territorial governments are classified into six phases of production: planning authorization, strategic planning, tactical planning, logistical planning, approval of media products and evaluation. The findings suggest political strategizing is least prevalent on matters involving public safety and crisis communications.     

西方强势制度文明逼压下的首次政制改革尝试——政治学视阈中的戊戌维新运动

甲午战败标志着洋务运动的以“器物师西”达自强求富的迷梦的破灭,从而使得政制变革成为时代洪流。维新派依托光绪皇帝发起了戊戌变法,从而揭开了近代中国政制改革与创新的序幕。本文拟从政治学角度对戊戌政制改革尝试做一回顾与反思。     

Collateral damage: The short and turbulent life of Quebec's agency for public‐private partnerships

This article seeks to explain the surprisingly short lifespan of the Quebec government's central unit for promoting public‐private partnerships (PPPs), the Agence des partenariats public‐privé du Québec (APPP). I used a theoretical framework based on neo‐institutional analysis informed by empirical research including interviews with key actors, a review of all briefs submitted to the Quebec legislature and pertinent parliamentary debates, and a partial review of the media coverage. The government severely underestimated the strength of the opposition to its plan. Electoral cycles and elements of the dominant political culture in Quebec also help to explain its demise. However, the prospects for PPPs may not be as negative as the rise and fall of the APPP might suggest.     

政治社会团体涵义辨析:概念比较

政治社会团体是现代政治生活中的重要主体,但我国学界尚未形成达成有共识的概念,有必要从相关概念的比较中辨析其内涵。政治社团是社会团体的一种,但需要区分社团的政治性和政治性社团,也需要对利益集团和与之关联的既得利益集团等术语进行严格界定。结合我国现实,政治社会团体就是指其利益代表地位获得了国家认可、承担一定公共职能,并制度化地参与到公共事务管理中的社会团体。     

论现代政治增长及其对国家治理的影响

长期以来学界以及社会总是将"政治—市场—社会"相互关系置于相互竞争和挤压的语境,但从历时性的角度上看,政治、市场和社会在改革开放以来却在不同程度的同时增长.分析我国政治增长的历史基础,并从政府规模、组织结构、技术加持三个方面,阐述政治增长的事实和趋势,发现现代社会的流动性和复杂性奠定了现代政治增长的合理性基础,这种政治...     

Commissions of inquiry and policy change: Comparative analysis and future research frontiers

Canadian governments have spawned hundreds of federal and provincial commissions of inquiry (COIs). Many scholars have completed in‐depth analysis of particular COIs but less attention has been paid to policy impact and comparisons across COIs. This study addresses the following questions. What role do COIs play in policy change? Would policy change likely have occurred without the COI? Why do some COIs result in policy change and others do not? This analysis reports on findings from in‐depth case studies of ten COIs. It uses a theoretical framework focusing on ideas, institutions, actors and relations to examine whether and how COIs lead to policy and administrative change.     

建国60年来中国地方行政区划和府际关系的变革与展望

地方行政区划和府际关系的重构是20世纪以来中国现代国家制度建设工程的重要内容．关系到国家的政治稳定和地方社会经济的可持续发展。建国60年来,中国地方行政区划和府际关系的调整和改革,基本上延续了传统中国的治理逻辑和治理术,即以属地管辖和行政内部发包制为特征、由职权同构和行政分权构成的多层级的地方政府结构为基本治理结构。为适应工业化、市场化和城市化的现实要求,中国地方行政区划和府际关系必须根据法治政府、责任政府和公共服务型政府的制度设计,对既有的地方治理结构进行改革和调整。以民主化和地方自治促进和改善地方治理,使地方行政区划和府际关系以及相应的产权、财税权和人事权等制度走向法治化、制度化和规范化。     

中央集权驱动、地方分级响应与政府间合作的机理:基于京津冀的实证阐释

区域性棘手问题和相互依赖的增加凸显政府间合作治理的现实需要。不过,行政分权、财政分权和晋升锦标赛体制意味着地方自主性增长与区域协同发展之间的紧张。深入行政体系内部挖掘区域政府间合作的真实过程和内在机理成为亟待解决的问题。中央政治权威旨在打破地方保护主义的体制藩篱;地方高层通过“政治表态”积极回应中央的战略部署;地方中层因不变的压力型体制和目标责任制依旧关注地方利益和部门利益;地方基层在目标责任体系中存在支撑能力不足问题。结果,地方政府和政府部门主要根据成本收益分级分部门响应。为提升政府间合作的有效性,相关的改革选项包括根据城市功能定位建立差异化的政绩考核和区域财税激励兼容机制,明确将区域协同发展的职责赋予特定政府层级,建立多样性的非正式制度以积累政府间合作的信任资本,充分发挥市场机制和社会力量的作用。     

高等院校社会主义法治理念教育之主体特征分析

高等院校社会主义法治理念教育,是我国社会主义法治理念教育的重要组成部分,必须大力加强高等院校的社会主义法治理念教育。思想政治教育是高等教育的重要组成部分,因此,讨论思想政治教育的主体性,也应该包括教师的主体性和学生的主体性两方面。本文重点探讨我国高等院校开展社会主义法治理念教育主体中,辅导员和任课教师在高等院校开展社会主义法治理念教育中的特征。     

How did the disclosure of lobbying targeting Quebec's hospitals become mandatory and with what effect?

In 2015 mandatory disclosure activity for lobbying that targeted health and social service centres in Quebec, a sector which consumes a significant share of the annual spending budget, suddenly became a mandatory disclosure activity for lobbyists operating in the province. This research note traces the trajectory of key events that led to this shift towards greater lobbying transparency in the health care sector. The study also analyzes whether this change was followed by increased lobbying registrations for activities targeting health sector institutions. The article's findings suggest that significant change in lobbying regulation may occur accidentally, against the government's will, rather than as a result of an ethical scandal, cross-jurisdictional learning, or electoral calculations, as the literature suggests. The article's findings also show that the change was followed by an increase of about 969 registered firm lobbyists (p-value 0.015) and 254 registered lobbyists from covered NGOs (p-value 0.00).