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泡沫经济崩溃后日本爆发金融危机,金融机构破产风潮由中小规模向大型金融机构波及。在金融机构破产制度建设方面,日本“护送船队”式行政保护凸显制度缺陷,政府实施了从时限性措施到永久性长效处理框架的制度改革,建立健全了常规处理和应对危机事态的特别处理机制,形成了以中央银行特别融资、存款保险制度和金融机构破产处理框架为中心的金融安全网,为维持信用秩序稳定、防止金融系统性风险扩散建立了较为完善的制度保障。 相似文献
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Brian C. Schmidt 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2002,4(1):115-140
This state of the discipline article discusses a body of recent literature that seeks to reunite political theory and international relations theory. It briefly explores some of the factors and explanations that led to a divorce between the sub-fields of PT and IR. The article proceeds to review work that seeks to bridge the dichotomy that came to define the relationship between these two academic fields of study. By examining literature in the area of normative theory, democratic theory and that falling under the rubric of identity and difference, the article attempts to demonstrate that an effort is under way to reunite political theory and international relations theory. 相似文献
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A new way of urbanization has emerged in China where farmers are urbanizing the rural areas instead of migrating to the large cities. This article addresses the question of why current urbanization takes this direction in which surplus labor has been transferred from agriculture into the industrial and service sectors without leaving the rural areas. The findings indicate that continual population pressure and reform policies in post-Mao China have resulted in strategic development of small towns in the rural areas. In this development, township and village enterprises have been the locomotive of rural urbanization. Institutional constraints could be moved, created, or utilized in a way which can be conductive for social development. The rural urbanization in China could be significant for many developing countries. 相似文献
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Frederick Golooba-Mutebi 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2017,55(1):22-40
Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt. 相似文献
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官方开发援助是一种经济外交的载体,是一种典型的国际经济关系政治化的表现.日本作为一个ODA提供大国,其对东南亚国家的投入占了相当大的一部分.本文通过分析日本对东南亚国家提供官方发展援助的政策形成过程以及最新动向,对其背后所隐藏的新时代日本外交政策的走向进行了论述. 相似文献
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绿色采购不仅是发展循环经济的主要体现形式,更是构建循环型社会的重要环节之一.日本的绿色采购经过十余年的发展,逐渐形成了政府主导、民间机构支持和企业积极配合的运营模式,取得了良好的成效.日本在政府的立法体系、绿色采购网络联盟的构建以及企业环境经营等方面,对中国绿色采购制度的发展与完善都具有十分积极的意义. 相似文献
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Chris Alden 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):62-81
With the dramatic changes in the international and domestic environment, the African National Congress (ANC) has been faced with reconciling the policies of liberation with those of a political party. In response, the ANC has taken up a series of positions representing a new foreign policy outlook, one which takes cognizance of both the changing international environment and the ANC's new role as an emergent political party on the verge of taking power. This paper will investigate this transformation of ANC foreign policy by first examining the broad outlines of policy during the period of the liberation struggle; secondly, looking at the nature and effect of the crisis induced by both the end of the Cold War and the implementation of the South African government's radical reform programme; and finally, examining the preliminary contours of a new foreign policy as the organization emerges out of the transitional period and into the role of governing power. 相似文献
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Thomas J. Butko 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2004,31(1):141-162
This article seeks to conceptualise the contemporary phenomenon of ‘political Islam’, or Islamic fundamentalism as it is usually classified in the West. This paper takes the view that those movements that utilise the ideology of political Islam are not primarily religious groups concerned with issues of doctrine and faith, but political organisations utilising Islam as a ‘revolutionary’ ideology to attack, criticise, and de‐legitimise the ruling elites and the power structure on which their authority and legitimacy is based. Since the one‐party authoritarian state is the norm in most of the Middle East, only Islam has been able to provide the marginalised, alienated, and disgruntled masses with an oppositional force capable of articulating their specific grievances and general displeasure with these regimes. A Gramscian framework helps to demonstrate that these organisations classified as ‘political Islam’, and promulgated by the core Islamic scholars of the twentieth century, are authentic counter‐hegemonic movements focussed on the overthrow of these despotic regimes and the acquisition of political, economic, and social power. 相似文献
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Jeremy D. Mayer 《East Asia》1996,15(2):50-62
Seen from the perspectives of the various Western theories of international relations, Japan’s peculiar armed pacifism can appear very different. Prominent neorealists have predicted that Japan will inevitably develop nuclear weapons; prominent liberals have cited Japan as the model pacifist nation of the future. Over the last five years, it became clear to Japan that North Korea either possessed, or was on the brink of acquiring, nuclear weapons. How would the Japanese government respond to such a critical threat to its security? The case of North Korean nukes suggests that policymakers should be wary of the grim expectations of Western neorealists, at least in regard to Japan. 相似文献
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随着中国企业与东盟合作步伐的进一步加快,日本作为东盟传统的贸易与投资大国,已成为中国企业在东盟投资的主要竞争对手.本文试图通过对中国和日本在东盟地区投资的现状及比较优势进行分析,探索中国企业应如何发挥自己的优势,提升对东盟投资的竞争力,抓住目前良好的机遇,更有效地加快对东盟地区的投资. 相似文献
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Susanne D. Mueller 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2011,29(1):99-117
This paper examines the lessons learned from Kenya's 2007 post election violence and what has happened since then. It notes that the root causes of the violence still persist, have not been addressed, and easily could be reignited. Faced with a situation where institutions and the rule of law have been weakened deliberately and where diffused violence is widespread, both Kenya's transition to democracy and the fate of the nation remain vulnerable. The argument here is that the problems faced in holding and managing elections in conflict situations often are not simply technical. Instead, in Kenya and elsewhere, many difficulties are symptomatic of larger political and institutional questions related to democratic change that are more difficult to analyze in causal terms or to address. 相似文献
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《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):19-35
ABSTRACT This article looks at the role of institutions and political parties as main agents of the democratisation process in the Sudan, following the signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). A review of the historic weaknesses of intermittent democratic rule in the Sudan, since its independence in 1956 and through to the signing of the CPA, is offered. Those elements of the CPA critical to institutional reform and democratisation are identified and their implementation assessed, including the results of the CPA-mandated elections held in April 2010. The four principal political parties and their capacities to contribute to democratic transformation are analysed. 相似文献
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中国《社会保险法》在实施过程中存在诸多问题。这些问题存在的原因之一就在于社会保险服务专业化与规范化不够。社会保险服务专业化和规范化已经成为影响中国《社会保险法》有效运行的核心因素之一。从国际经验的角度来看,日本的《社会保险劳务士法》很好地解决了这一问题。日本的《社会保险劳务士法》启示我们,建立社会保险师制度是社会保险服务专业化和职业化的客观需要,要在对社会保险师准确定位的前提下,完善相应资格考试制度,推动社会保险师制度的建立。 相似文献
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Kensuke Takayasu 《Asia-Pacific Review》2011,18(2):86-104
Over the past 20 years, Japanese politics has changed significantly. There have been many improvements over the old LDP politics. At the same time, however, the rules of the game, which were predicated on the dominance of a single political party and on factional politics, have inevitably changed, and, in accordance with this situation, the conventions that prescribed the party-political order have fallen by the wayside. Given this situation, new conventions are now required that will make Japanese politics function. This article will discuss the most pressing topics: they are the appointment of the prime minister, the political cycle, bicameralism and party politics, intra-party governance, and the relationship between ministers and bureaucrats. These rules will not derive from new laws or institutions, but will be based on new conventions agreed to by the political parties. Political parties are to be the key actors in creating the new conventions, which should provide the rules of the game for Japanese politics. 相似文献
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Alexander Stroh 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2010,28(1):1-29
Recent publications suggest that exclusively ethno-regional parties are as rare in sub-Saharan Africa as elsewhere. At the same time, the idea that ethnicity is a very special feature of African party politics persists. This article acknowledges the general relevance of ethnicity in party competition but emphasises the level at which it becomes important. It develops a micro-behavioural approach that pays particular attention to the strategic choices of party elites in order to supplement the dominant structuralist thinking in party research on Africa. An in-depth evaluation of detailed election data from Burkina Faso shows strategies that rely on personal proximity between the voter and the candidates influence the parties' success to a great extent. Parties maximise their chances of winning seats if they concentrate their limited resources on the home localities of leading party members. Hence, African party politics are less dependent on ethnic demography than is often implied but more open to change through elite behaviour. 相似文献