网络极化现象研究——基于四个中文BBS论坛的内容分析

本文试图把"极化"这一概念引入网络政治传播的考察中,主要针对四个中文BBS论坛(强国深水、猫眼看人、天涯杂谈和新浪杂谈)政治讨论中的极端化态度分布状态进行描述与比较。结果显示,态度极化现象与论坛群体和特定的议题类别紧密相关。其中激进派聚集的论坛更容易出现极化;涉及"政府"的议题更容易在激进的论坛中出现极化,而在温和派占据主流的论坛则呈现非极化状态。同时,发帖积极性越高的ID越容易出现态度极化的现象;而且,网民的意见同质化程度越高,则群体极化的程度也就越高。     

网络民族主义对大学生的消极影响及对策分析

近年来,随着中国综合国力不断上升、国内国际形势不断变化,民族主义在中国有新的发展趋势,这一趋势便是:民族主义与网络结合,产生了新时期的民族主义即网络民族主义。网络民族主义由于网络传播的特殊性相对于传统的民族主义具有新的特点,使得它的影响更为广泛尤其是对网络民族主义主要参与者和传播者的大学生的消极影响引起了各界的广泛关注,故本文将分析网络民族主义对大学生的消极影响以及消极影响产生的原因,并提出相应对策。     

高校网络民族主义的表现形态及引导途径研究

网络民族主义是网络与民族主义的融合体,它的依托平台是网络,本质是民族主义。大学生是网民构成的主群体之一,利用文献法和案例分析方法,从行为方式、言论内容和表现形式上对我国高校网络民族主义的表现形态进行了梳理,提出高校可以通过加强思想政治教育、提高学生理性认识、利用网络引导等途径实现高校学生网络民族主义良性发展。     

网络论坛的“有限公共性”及其对我国意识形态安全的冲击

在网络公共领域,意识形态安全与公共认同、信息把关和舆论一致等因素有关。而从公众、公共空间、公共舆论三个构成要素的典型特征看,网络论坛还不能算是完全意义上的公共领域,它只能看作是一种有限公共领域形态。这种有限公共性所暴露的公共理性的缺失、公共空间的失控、公共议题的多元化对意识形态安全形成冲击。在网络论坛迅速发展的条件下,有效进行意识形态引导,是亟待解决的时代课题。     

性别失衡议题中的多元利益格局与政策博弈——对中国性别失衡政策议题网络的实证分析

性别失衡是中国社会的核心议题,议题活动反映了不同利益集团政策博弈的过程.为揭示性别失衡背景下我国社会的利益格局,本文依托Intemet和中国期刊网数据,分析了性别失衡政策议题网络中不同政策社群的利益博弈行为.结果表明:Heclo(1978)和McFarland(1987)关于政策议题网络的概念模型,不完全适用于中国性别失衡政策议题网络,后者参与社群性质异化、边界模糊,具有更为复杂的现代政策多元主义特征.在议题网络中,各政策社群代表不同利益集团采取发言、劝告、旁听、争论等形式参与政策博弈,表现出两类博弈形态:一是议题交流型,就性别失衡的态势、原因、后果和治理等提交观点、表达利益,意在将本集团的议题态度融入公共政策进程;二是议题交锋型,围绕出生性别比异常的真实性、计划生育政策的合理性、光棍挑起战争的可能性,以及施行治理的必要性等,暴发激烈的议题观点时抗,意在就关键政策环节主导政策舆论环境.这两类利益博弈在性别失衡议题发展中具有近似量质互变的哲学辩证关系.     

新时代网络意识形态领域中流行话语的样态呈现及其社会影响探论

新时代网络意识形态领域中流行话语作为网民共同创造的“全民语言”,既是社会发展变迁的“符号缩影”,也是公众思想动态、舆情表达的“服务窗口”,已成为媒介文化的重要组成部件。“数智化”生存方式下,网络流行话语已然超脱简单的交际语言范畴,“热门事件”“民生民情”“解嘲生活”“时尚娱乐”“圈地自萌”等多类化表达无不成为话语权力实践的工具,而其发展演化过程则以符号、传播与模因为理据,呈现出多模态“效应图景”。需正视的是,网络流行话语并不皆是积极向上的思想传递,仍存在着正负相对的“双效作用”,对此应辩证对待、因势利导,最大化激发有利因素,使其成为网络空间主流意识形态宣传教育的灵动载体。     

Nationalism and ethnic heterogeneity: The importance of local context for nationalist party vote choice

This article explores the individual-level correlates of nationalist party vote choice and the extent to which these correlates are conditioned by an individual's local context. We argue that the influence of individuals' policy positions on nationalism should vary in importance for predicting voting for nationalist parties in localities where voters feel threatened culturally or economically. To test this argument we use the case of support for the Bloc Quebecois in the Canadian province of Quebec and data from the 2011 Canadian Vote Compass. We show that voters' policy positions on nationalism become more important in predicting a vote for the Bloc Quebecois when the percentage of English speakers (our proxy for ethno-cultural threat) increases in their locality. By contrast, we find that the relationship between nationalism and support for the Bloc Quebecois is not conditioned by economic hardship in the place where an individual lives. To test the robustness of our findings, we reestimate our models using a different dataset from multiple elections – the Canadian Election Study as well as an additional modelling approach. Our findings contribute to the broader vote choice literature by examining the role that local context plays in individuals' choice of parties. Furthermore, our findings lend support to arguments made in the literature on the importance of an ethno-cultural calculus among voters voting for nationalist parties.     

The “Role” of Nationalism in Chinese Foreign Policy: A Reactive Model of Nationalism & Conflict

A growing literature has sought to address the question of Chinese nationalism, and particularly whether or not its rise over the last decade could make China more prone to international conflict. Yet these discussions have often not been well grounded in either theories of nationalism or international relations (IR) theory. This paper will seek to fill this gap by using a constructivist approach to examine how nationalism is constituted by the interaction of states. By doing so, it will be argued that Chinese nationalism can best be understood as a reactive response to international events rather than domestic political manipulation. Michael Alan Brittingham is a visiting assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and International Studies at McDaniel College. He has previously taught at the University of Louisville. In 2005, he completed his dissertation entitled, “Reactive Nationalism and Its Prospects for Conflict: The Taiwan Issue, Sino-US Relations, & the ‘Role’ of Nationalism in Chinese Foreign Policy” in the Department of Political Science at the University of Pittsburgh. His current research interests include international relations theory, Chinese foreign policy, and nationalism.     

The Response of Chinese Intellectuals to the US War on Terror

Studying the Chinese intellectual response to the US War on Terror, and how the battle between the Chinese liberals and nonliberals fitted into the above debate, the article focuses on two cases, 9-11 and the war in Iraq. Each will be divided into the expressive response (i.e., how the intellectuals reacted physically); the ideological response (i.e., how they interpreted the incidents in ideologically); and the strategic response (i.e., how they proposed the right strategies for the party-state to manage global affairs). After studying the cases, we should discover how the Chinese intellectuals used nationalist rhetoric to disguise their real disagreements, i.e., their views on domestic politics as well as to advance their own national importance. Simon Shen is Research Assistant Professor in the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK). Dr. Shen is author or editor of Redefining Nationalism in Modern China: Sino–American Relations and the Emergence of Chinese Public Opinions in the 21st Century, Chinese Response to Anti-terrorism, Non-state Actors and Foreign Affairs of the Greater China Region (with Joseph Cheng). His articles have appeared in the East Asia, Journal of Comparative Asian Development, Pacific Review, Politics, Asian Perspective, and Journal of East Asian History. Research for this article was partially funded by a grant from the South China Program, Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong. The author thanks Dr. Rana Mitter of the University of Oxford and anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments on the earlier drafts of this article.     

The Attitudes of the Chinese Middle Class Towards Democracy

Little has been done to quantitatively establish the connection between the middle class and a specific regime type. In an effort to fill in the gap, this study uses Asian Barometer survey dataset to examine the attitudes and orientation of China’s rising middle class. We find that the Chinese middle class does show higher democratic orientation than those we categorize as lower class, but only if class is defined by occupation or by self-identification, and not by income level. We interpret this result to mean that economic development offers new life experiences with the creation of new types of professions and enhances people’s agreement with modern democratic values by arousing people’s consciousness of their new social class status.

The Northern Ireland Peace Process in an Age of Austerity

The steady drip of dissident Republican attacks forms the backdrop to this special issue of Political Quarterly. Moreover, this comes at a time of economic austerity, when Northern Ireland faces unprecedented cuts to its public sector‐dominated economy. The economic crisis in the South adds an additional layer of uncertainty to the picture. In the past, economic deprivation has been associated with conflict in Northern Ireland and elsewhere. Might the peace dividend and constitutional settlement which have underpinned the Northern Ireland ‘miracle’ since 1994 be under threat? Or is there now sufficient momentum in both of Northern Ireland's main ethnic communities that such an outcome can be safely averted? This paper summarises the thinking of our symposium and special issue on this topic, updating our picture of the Northern Ireland peace process.     

当前中国一种非理性的民族主义述评

民族主义在当代中国的发展主流是健康的,但其中也出现了一种非理性的表现形式。民族排外主义就是当前中国非理性民族主义的主要表现形式。文章重点分析民族排外主义在政治、经济、文化等方面的具体表现及其消极后果,并提出民族主义理性化建构的思路与对策。     

基于汉语言文学专业能力要求的学生活动设计

汉语言文学专业人才能力既要求有良好的思想道德素养和身心素质,扎实的汉语言文学专业基础知识,较强的专业核心能力,体现专业通识能力;又要有专业方向知识、技能,体现专业方向能力.紧扣“专业”设计与组织学生活动是对课堂教学的巩固和拓展.在设计学生活动时,要以“专业能力培养”为价值取向,遵循专业性、目的性、融合性、系统性、地方性等设计原则.     

The comparative effectiveness of populist rhetoric in generating online engagement

Worldwide, voters are supporting populist candidates who promise to upend “politics as usual.” Despite all we know about populism, we still do not know how individuals respond to populist content during campaigns, particularly compared to other common content in liberal democracies. This paper adapts framing theory to an online electoral context to argue that populist campaign messages will generate more online engagement compared to three alternative conceptions of the relationship between the people and the elites: pluralism, technocracy, and neutral messages. The paper adapts Snow and Benford's seminal 1988 theory of resonance to studies of populist communication and assess whether populism resonates more with online social media users. An original dataset using the campaign Tweets of 22 national-level actors across five countries is used to test the theory: Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Italy, and Spain (N = 1777). The findings suggest that citizens on Twitter engage with populism more than its alternatives in certain contexts.