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1.
"以人为本"社会发展观的实践论逻辑是从抽象个体的价值实践活动开始的,社会"个体"在价值行动中面临着"价值悖论"的困境,即价值确立的二元性与价值实现的悖反。"价值悖论"是现代人的价值实践活动的逻辑前提,其根源在于"人的异化""人的悖论";同时,也只有在"人本论"的社会发展中才能根本克服这一"悖论"。这样就形成一个社会历史领域中的逻辑上升,价值悖论在"人本论"中克服的逻辑结论,为历史的具体的"以人为本"价值实践活动提供了认识论前提。这就是"以人为本"社会发展观的实践—认识论在自我克服中的逻辑上升。  相似文献   

2.
陈哲熙  林凯 《学理论》2013,(15):1-2
在以人为本的今天,幸福感日益成为人民对政府、对社会满意度的一项重要指标,极大程度上影响着社会稳定水平,是政府和人民所关注的热点。从十八大报告中,我们可以看出党和政府越来越重视国民的幸福感,例如国民收入、平等的收入分配等。如何正确认识国民幸福感和其重要性,如何真正提高国民幸福感,是十八大后我们重点关注的课题。  相似文献   

3.
政府的规范目的是追求公共利益,但组成政府的微观主体还会有自己的利益。新制度主义的诺思悖论揭示了政府在追求公共利益和追求自身利益之间的角色冲突和内在矛盾性。在现实中,只要政府权力不受控制,组成政府的微观主体就可能放弃公共责任,追求自身利益的最大化,从而不仅不是公共利益的代表者和维护者,反而可能成为公共利益的威胁。只有加强民主法治建设,规范和限制政府权力,才可能保证政府按照公共利益的要求履行职责,管理公共事务。  相似文献   

4.
近日,清华大学经济管理学院院长钱颖一教授在接受《中国改革》杂志专访时概括了中国30多年来经济改革和发展的经验,简而言之有三条:一是“把激励搞对”,二是“让市场起作用”,三是“实行对外开放”。再简单一点,可以概括为“放开”和“开放”两方面:前两条是“放开”,后一条是“开放”。  相似文献   

5.
防治腐败、建立善政是王符思想的主要内容。王符对东汉时期的政治腐败进行了深刻揭露和批判,有针对性地提出"循名责实"加强官吏选用监督、隆赏重刑厉行"以法治国"、"忠正为本"提升官吏行政道德素养等廉政建设思路,体现出鲜明的"融通儒法"的学术特色。但是,王符认为国家治乱在于君主,把腐败防治的根本责任归结于自身有限的君主,这是其廉政思想的悖论所在。  相似文献   

6.
当前,维护社会稳定,创新社会管理,优化社会服务,建设社会和谐变得愈加迫切和必要,也因此成为各级政府工作的重中之重.但地方政府在维护社会稳定与维护民众权益之间存在着价值预设和行为结果的背离.究其原因,主要源于地方政府自身维稳的政治“惯性”以及在这一过程中所凸现出来的维稳“悖论”.破解维稳“悖论”需要重建政府与民众之间的政治信任,从而在官民互信的氛围中共同维护安定、团结的良好局面.  相似文献   

7.
党的十八大报告提出“推动实现更高质量的就业”,反映了全面建成小康社会对劳动就业工作的新要求.我国推动实现更高质量的就业,突出地面临着劳动者“加班悖论”、企业“加薪悖论”、产业升级提高就业质量的可能性悖论和政府干预劳动关系的可能性悖论.究其成因,主要是劳动力总量供过于求和劳动者人力资本水平不高、部分企业竞争力与盈利能力不强、产业升级的时机和路径选择不当、劳动关系调整机制不完善造成的.破解“四个悖论”、推动实现更高质量的就业,需要在鼓励劳动者提高就业能力、鼓励企业自主创新、选择好产业升级的路径和时机、完善劳动关系调整制度等方面协同努力.  相似文献   

8.
围绕由“塔克—伍德命题”所引发的“马克思正义悖论”问题,西方左翼学者进行了数十年的争论,但正如罗尔斯所指出的,解答这一悖论问题的关键在于,澄清马克思是否使用了某种特定的正义观念来批判资本主义。而劳动所有权便属于这一正义观念。劳动所有权,分为以自我劳动为基础的所有权和以占有他人劳动为基础的所有权。后者而非前者,被分析马克思主义者视为代表资本主义的法权与正义原则。实际上,这是一种“错位理解”,低估了资本主义意识形态家的狡猾性与欺骗性,未能准确把握马克思批判资本主义非正义性的文本场域与历史语境。近代资本主义意识形态谱系所标榜的一直是自我劳动所有权。在《资本论》及其手稿中,马克思从历史和逻辑两个方面对劳动所有权进行了双重批判,阐发了劳动与所有权同一规律与分离规律的“辩证转变”,进而揭露了资本主义所承诺的正义的虚伪性。在未来社会中,应实行真正的劳动所有权和更高阶的需要所有权。  相似文献   

9.
潘洪其 《民主》2010,(8):51-51
<正>河北大名县委书记王晓桦自2009年春节前上任后,连续出台10份文件变更干部任用制度,甚至专门出台《大名县委书记用人行为规范》,规定县委书记"不临时提出调整干部动议"。这些举措直接限制了王晓桦本人的权力,是典型的"自我限权"(2010年7月7日《中国青年报》)。  相似文献   

10.
凌晓东 《理论参考》2009,(10):12-13
三元悖论:受到制约的宏观调控 第一个悖论是所谓的“三元悖论”。这个悖论最初由诺贝尔奖获得者、欧元之父罗伯特&#183;蒙代尔在1962年提出。美国经济学家、2008年诺贝尔奖获得者保罗&#183;克鲁格曼在1999年给予了更清晰的阐述。“三元悖论”说的是:对于  相似文献   

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Free trade and global markets are issues that have dominated for some time the political and economic agendas of both industrialized and newly developing nations. While greater prosperity for all peoples is most frequently cited as the main gain, free trade is also considered a promoter of democracy, an argument deployed in bringing China into the World Trade Organization. World peace has also been cited as one of the fruits of closer economic integration, as parochial walls between peoples are undermined, interdependence grows and is made more transparent, and mutual prosperity assured. We contest the faith upon which these assumptions rely. We argue that the theory and practice of neo-liberal free trade and neo-revisionist democracy implicate the modern democratic nation state in paradoxes that it is ill-equipped to negotiate. To exit these paradoxes, or at least to mollify the rancor they can produce, both the ideas of free trade and of democracy need to become more robust.  相似文献   

15.
Helen Goodman, the Member of Parliament for Bishop Auckland has responded to the Blue Labour Publication The Politics of Paradox, with Tradition and Change: Four People. Blue Labour's thesis is that a return to the ideas and practices prevalent at the foundation of the Labour Party—solidarity and reciprocity, can form the basis of significant social change. Helen views the thesis from the perspective of two communities—first the hill farmers of Teesdale, a paradigmatic community whose rights and way of life on the Commons have existed for over 600 years. Then she looks at the Durham Miners’ Gala and the needs of the former coalfields. Helen argues that in both cases, only government can take the national and international action they need. Secondly she looks at the stories of a mother and a priest. The importance of the welfare state in providing security and opportunities becomes clear. Helen confronts Blue Labour's criticism of women's independence and prays in aid the Archbishop of Canterbury on the need for a feminist analysis. She accuses Blue Labour of ‘drum and trumpet jingoism’.  相似文献   

16.
Mark Blyth 《管理》2013,26(2):197-215
This article argues that there is a paradox at the heart of Hall's “Policy Paradigms” framework stemming from the desire to see both state and society as generative of social learning while employing two different logics to explain how such learning takes place: what I term the “Bayesian” and “constructivist” versions of the policy paradigms causal story. This creates a paradox as both logics cannot be simultaneously true. However, it is a generative paradox insofar as the power of the policy paradigms framework emerges, in part, from this attempt to straddle these distinct positions, producing an argument that is greater than the sum of its parts. In the second part of the article, I discuss the recent global financial crisis, an area where we should see third‐order change, but we do no not. That we do not strengthens the case for the constructivist causal story.  相似文献   

17.
伦理悖论是日常生活中时有发生的公共问题,上升到政策层面上,众多政策制定者都希望通过合理的政策设计来弥补、甚至避免伦理两难和漏洞。以一个经典的伦理学悖论案例为切入点,分析了"多数人暴政"这个高频发生的命题产生的逻辑起点和原因,通过现实事件探讨了现实生活中"多数人暴政"对国家政治、经济、文化的实际影响,提出了在公共政策中可以通过法律约束、社会监督和文化感化政策来对多数人的暴政进行一定的预防和控制,以期对现实的政策制定有所借鉴帮助。  相似文献   

18.
A puzzle in research on campaign spending is that while expenditure is positively related to votes won, this effect is far more strongly, or even exclusively, enjoyed by challengers rather than by incumbents. We unearth a new explanation for the puzzle, focusing on the hidden, yet variable, campaign value of office perquisites which incumbents deploy in their campaigns to win votes. When these variable office benefits are unobserved, then the effect is to make observed incumbent spending less effective than spending by challengers. Using data from the 2002 Irish general election, where incumbency was assigned a variable campaign value and included in declared campaign spending, we are able to demonstrate this hidden incumbency effect and estimate its relationship to electoral success, in terms of overall votes, share of votes, and probability of winning a seat. Contrary to previous research showing ineffective incumbent spending, we find that when the campaign value of office is also measured, public office value “spending” is not only very effective in winning votes, but also seems to be more effective than regular incumbent spending.  相似文献   

19.

This review essay surveys the literature that explains China’s poverty reduction progress since the late 1970s. It examines three dominant explanations: geographic conditions, economic growth, and anti-poverty policies, whose impacts on poverty have evolved with China’s socioeconomic transformation. The review finds that the government has come to play an increasingly significant part in mitigating geographic adversity and making growth more inclusive for the poor over the last two decades. However, our understanding of the political institutions and processes underpinning poverty reduction remains incomplete because most studies concentrate on national and provincial authorities but overlook the county government. As counties have gained considerable resources and authority in poverty reduction, an investigation of their capacity and efficacy is fundamental to explain their various poverty alleviation outcomes. This essay thus proposes a framework for future research that investigates county governments’ bureaucratic arrangements and their relations to society to explain their performance in poverty reduction. This essay concludes with lessons and limitations of China’s government-led poverty alleviation campaign.

  相似文献   

20.
Roback  Jennifer 《Publius》1990,20(2):53-68
This article uses modern economic theory to analyze two majorarguments of the eighteenth-century agrarian opponents of thecommercial republic. The two arguments are the claim that commerceincreases the variety of people within the republic, and theclaim that the wealth generated by commerce retards the people'sability to govern themselves. This article replies that theproblems created by pluralism depend crucially on the scopeof the government's power. Pluralism is less problematic ina limited government than in a government with broad powers.The problems created by luxury are not unique to commerce, andarise in any situation in which self-government is successful.  相似文献   

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