政治学研究领域的真与真理

自然科学及一些社会科学学科所求的真--其研究领域中具有稳定性、必然性、决定性的因素,即所研究对象的本质与规律;所求的真理,就是对于所研究对象的本质与规律的正确认识.政治学研究所求的真却不是政治现象或政治事物所固有的本质与规律,而是人民根本利益;政治学研究所求的真理就是对于人民根本利益的正确认识.自然科学的真理的基本性质只是真,不具有善、恶、好、坏的价值性质;政治真理则是真与善的统一.自然科学的真理具有超越时代、国家等界限的普适性,政治真理的适用范围则是特殊的,只适用于特定的时代、国家.     

探析《论真理的本质》引导性思考及五、六节

海德格尔为20世纪存在主义哲学的创始人和代表,其《论真理的本质》被公认为"海德格尔思想转折"的关键,因此其重要性不言而喻。本文将以此作为解读海德格尔哲学思想的阅读核心,针对《论真理的本质》引导性思考及第五、六节做一小范围的分析和讨论。     

对真理标准讨论运动意义的再认识

真理标准讨论运动作为当代中国史上的一个亮点,引起相当多学者的关注和研究.如果以现代化进程为大背景,以抽取精神内核法为主要方法,去考察真理标准讨论的意义与价值,会发现:真理标准讨论运动传承于"五四"运动,而又有所不同.贯之于真理标准讨论运动始终的精神内核是要求发扬民主精神,科学精神,发展与创新精神.而这些现代精神的培养是实现现代化的重要条件.由于中国传统文化资源中缺乏现代精神因素,因此重视倡扬这种精神显得尤为重要.     

知其显 守其隐——海德格尔真理观的临界思想及其对偶在论思想的启示

海德格尔的真理观以敞开与遮蔽、在场与隐匿之间的临界和争执,以原初存在的涌现生成之运动差异存在、真理与非真理之间的争夺为存在的真理运作,以存在者的无蔽状态和观看者绽出地自由存在为真理的本质。海德格尔真理观的临界性和差异性为张志扬先生偶在论理论的构想提供了一种临界之思的背景。悖论和临界的存在启迪偶在的思维方式。偶在论为避免本质主义和虚无主义两极摇摆,追求有德性的生活提供了理论依据。     

朴素的真理

生活中有许多朴素的真理,国为朴素,常常遭人鄙视;因为朴素,常常被人忽视;因为朴素,常常被人忘记。可真理毕竟是真理,它们不会因为人们的鄙视、忽视和忘记就自行隐退,它们顽强地存在着,发出朴素而恒久的真理之光,照耀着那些愿意听从它召唤的人的心灵。     

实践唯物主义真理观建构中的内外问题

从真理的内部问题看 :现代真理观颠覆了形而上学终极实在论的真理观 ,是对本体作了现代诠释基础上的真理观 ;真理与谬误的划界是辩证动态的 ;检验真理的标准 ,“相符合’是在实践中“遭遇”的而不是预定的 ;真理的主体性在于“真理的价值”、“价值的真理”和真理在不同主体及其视角下的意义。从真理的外部问题看 :真理问题 ,不是孤零零的认知现象 ,而是与整个文化系统相关联的。与学术环境 ,特别是政治环境更是息息相关。     

“真理程序”和“减法政治”:试析巴迪欧的左翼激进哲学

巴迪欧作为当代独树一帜的左翼哲学家,其理论思考的出发点在于:如何在后现代氛围下重新召唤出激进哲学和激进政治而不诉诸各种本质主义的幽灵。为此,他提出"真理程序"和"减法政治"的概念,试图在反对作为"大写的一"的真理观的同时,重新举起普遍真理的大旗,并在反思20世纪革命政治的基础上重启共产主义观念的"第三个世纪"。     

“实践是检验真理的唯一标准”何以可能

本文认为 ,从“真理是与客观实际相符合的认识”这一前提出发来理解“实践是检验真理的唯一标准”这一科学论断 ,必然会出现不可克服的逻辑矛盾。“实践是检验真理的唯一标准”之可能的前提条件是把认识之真理性看作认识之现实性和力量。而实践之结果如何则为检验认识之真理性即认识之现实性和力量的唯一标准     

实践与真理的关系

实践与认识是对立的统一体，实践是认识的来源和基础，又是认识的目的，人们要想不断获得新的认识，正确地认识客观事物，找到真理，必须通过实践。实践是检验认识真理的根本手段，但由于实践本身的变化性，相对性，特别是在阶级社会里，对立的双方会进行完全相反的实践，因此如何检验实践却需要一个标准。而只有真理本身是客观的，确定的，实践正确与否要由真理来判断，而真理又是具体的，相对的，指导实践的真理也是相对真理，只有在相对真理指导下进行实践才能产生新的更多的真理认识，实现相对真理到绝对真理的转化。     

认识论基本问题之研究——对笛卡尔《探求真理的指导原则》的解读

笛卡尔的哲学对历史的影响是深远的.作为欧洲文艺复兴以来,第一个为人类争取并保证理性权利的人,笛卡尔对真理的探寻有着不同于以往哲学家的见解,在他的眼中,对真理的把握应见之于对自明性情感的捕捉,要求证真理更应通过直观与演绎两条途径,从而逐级揭示真理.通过对笛卡尔真理问题的解读,我们可以摈弃那些浮躁的冲动与虚幻的迷惑,执着于凭借“纯净而专注的心灵”去获得对现实世界及其事物的真正知识.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

The persecution of German Romanies: the case of Osnabrück, 1933–46

Studies of racial persecution in Germany, particularly during the Nazi period, now appear on almost a daily basis, so that every victimized minority has received attention. Antisemitism remains the main focus of research but the Romanies have now begun to attract scholars. While historians have studied Jews in virtually every location and over short time periods, they have tended to examine the situation of the Romanies at the national level using a longer time frame, recognizing the continuities of racial persecution that link the Nazi years with the rest of the twentieth century. Panayi brings out these longer-term patterns by focusing on the case of Osnabrück. He begins with an account of the historiography of Romanies at both the local and national level, and contrasts this with the general attention that German history of the first half of the twentieth century, especially the Third Reich, has received. The narrative then moves on to use the limited information available on the Osnabrück Romanies to carry out a detailed examination of the realities of their everyday life and the attitudes of the authorities towards them in the town between 1933 and 1946. Panayi’s study falls into the German social history approach of Alltagsgeschichte, which uses the specific to draw out the realities of the general national picture.     

How the Bush and Gore Campaigns Conceptualized and Used the Internet in 2000

Abstract

Political scientists and campaign professionals have been intrigued by the potential of the Internet as a tool for accessing and conveying political information since the mass marketing of the first Web browser in 1993. Optimists have pointed to the possibility for more expansive participation and more substantive, in-depth issue discussions. Pessimists have countered that universal access to the Internet is still years down the road, pointing out there is little reason to believe campaigns will use the Internet either to spice up or to elevate the national political conversation. Such long-term assessments are premature, but we can offer preliminary assessments of how candidates conceptualize and use the Internet. Relying on surveys of online registered voters and interviews with campaign operatives and Webmasters, I examine how the online electorate was perceived and approached by the Bush and Gore campaigns in 2000.1 find that (1) voters were unlikely to seek political information from candidate or party Web sites, (2) voters were skeptical of information presented on these sites, and (3) the campaigns understood this and therefore saw the Internet primarily as a vehicle for internal communication and grassroots activation.     

This other and other others

This paper offers an alternative understanding of the relationship between feminist ethics, time and otherness. Rather than suggesting a feminist ethics should simply be for ‘the other’, or that feminist ethics is always futural (dedicated to that which is not yet), the paper suggests that ethics involves responding to the particular other in a present that carries traces of the past, as well as opening up the future. It is through responding to particular others (where particularity is not understood as a characteristic of another, but as a mode of encounter) that we face and face up to ‘other others’. The relationship between ‘this other’ and ‘other others’ suggests an intimacy between the particular and the collective, between the face-to-face of an encounter and political economies, and between feminist ethics and politics. Indeed, the paper concludes by suggesting that the ethical and political imperatives of feminism are aligned precisely given that collectivity is an effect of the work that has to be done to get closer to this other and, with her, other others. This other and other others collect together in the making of a feminist ‘we’. Such a ‘we’ can be embraced only through a willingness to struggle with and for others who are faced in the present (a facing that is indebted to a past that cannot be left behind), and an openness to the future, as the promise and hope of what we might yet become.     

Recent interpretations of ideology

The ‘emergence’ of the ‘market’ as the basis of economic and political decision-making has become a main focus of debate within the social sciences since the late 1970s. Even while those opposing the growing centrality of neo-classical economics and market-oriented political discourses remain a significant academic constituency, within their ranks there has been a growing realization that regulatory mechanisms, and in particular the role of the state, have nevertheless been the subject of extensive changes. Alternative schools of thought have argued in terms of the way in which such mechanisms have been refashioned. Regulation has become, in the words of Regini and Majone, ‘transferred’ and the ‘boundaries’ between regulator and regulated ‘changed’: the regulatory process has been seen to shift at the macro/national level and at the micro/enterprise level. While supporting the general argument that it is the boundaries of regulation which are to be discussed, not its presence, we shall nevertheless argue that these changes are, if anything, more contentious and that a set of ironies emerges which politicize regulation even further.