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1.
中国当前社会的一些腐败与不公正,在很大程度上要归因于显规则机制不健全和不良“潜规则”的泛滥。腐败行为高发现象与官场不良“潜规则”的蔓延之间存在着一种互动机制。现阶段,官场不良“潜规则”的存在有着复杂的社会历史原因和现实土壤。官场不良“潜规则”是政治运行中的一个痼疾,应采取有效措施破除官场不良“潜规则”。  相似文献   

2.
当代中国正在逐步走出腐败高发期,开始进入腐败高发的降减期,准确地说,正处于腐败高发降减期与高压反腐阵痛期相互交织的阶段。可以预见,随着全面建成小康社会、全面深化改革、全面推进依法治国、全面从严治党、全面推进社会主义现代化进一步取得成效,到党的十九大召开前后,有望"走出腐败高发期",到2020年左右可望度过"高压反腐阵痛期",进入党纪国法制度强制与公民本能反腐良性互动期,到2030年进入反腐红利集中释放期,伴随着这一进程,到建国一百年前后进入"反腐倡廉自觉期"。当然,这样的前景研判,在具体的时间点上不必以哪一年搞一刀切,这里所说的"期"相互之间有交叉,尤其是反腐红利的释放,实际上是一个缓释与集中释放相统一的过程。反对腐败是党心民心所向,有党心民心作力量源泉,随着依法从严反腐的深入推进,反腐败斗争必将取得胜利。  相似文献   

3.
党的十八大以来,党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争力度不断加大,连续查出了不少大案要案,成果颇丰,取得了良好的社会影响。但是当前腐败现象还没有完全得到遏制,党风廉政建设的任务依然很重,形势严峻。本文以杭州市市区河道监管中心为例,从思想教育、制度建设、内外监督等三大方向探讨基层事业单位如何有效落实党风廉政建设,构建反腐倡廉机制。  相似文献   

4.
政府投资项目领域是腐败现象的多发、高发地带,信息公开对有效预防政府投资项目领域的腐败具有战略意义。在当前工程建设领域突出问题专项治理工作中,对政府投资项目信息公开工作重视不足。有必要开展政府投资项目信息公开专项行动,有计划地建立和推进政府投资项目信息公开机制,保证政府投资项目信息充分、及时、准确的发布,提高投资透明度,以实现项目决策的科学化、项目实施的规范化和项目监督管理的民主化。  相似文献   

5.
This article addresses an issue previously neglected in the research on support for populist parties: How do perceptions of the local quality of government (QoG) and local service delivery affect voters’ propensity to vote for a populist party? It argues that personal experience with poor QoG makes voters more likely to support populist parties. The argument highlights the interplay between supply and demand factors in explaining populist support and discusses why populist parties have been particularly successful in certain regions in Europe. A unique dataset from the Quality of Government Institute that surveys citizens’ perception of QoG in their area is used to estimate both individual‐ and regional‐level models of the link between perceived local QoG and populist support in Europe. The empirical results show a strong and robust association between within‐country variation in QoG and support for populist parties.  相似文献   

6.
儒家政治化对我国现实政治发挥着双重作用。其官本位权本位、人治政治、臣民化、人情政治等是腐败滋生和蔓延的重要原因;而民本主义、社会责任、道德修养、从政规范等有利于廉政建设。应创造性地利用和改造儒家政治化,以德治国,推进反腐倡廉。  相似文献   

7.
This article takes a state's eye view of trends towards a more centralised system of governance in Australia. It argues that while globalisation strengthens the roles of national governments it also provides less noticed public policy and management opportunities for sub-national governments. The article shows how state governments in Australia can use high-level policy proposals to reinforce their continuing relevance as key members of a federal system of government. It proposes that skilful deployment of policy ideas and analyses can enable the states to sustain alternative national agendas despite hostility or lack of interest by the federal government. In conclusion, the article examines the implications for federal-state relations under the Rudd government. It suggests that the elements for productive reform agendas are present but that bringing them together will require considerable effort.  相似文献   

8.
    
Building on the burgeoning literature on the association between the welfare state and the environmental state, this study empirically examines how the politics of the former has affected the development of the latter. We suggest that the size of the welfare state shapes the calculus of environmental policy costs by partisan governments. A generous welfare state lowers the costs perceived by the left‐wing government, as large redistributive spending allows the government to mitigate the adverse impact of the new environmental policy on its core supporters, industrial workers. A generous welfare state also implies diminished marginal political returns from additional welfare commitment by the left‐wing government, which lowers the opportunity costs of environmental policy expansion. To the contrary, because of lower overall regulatory and taxation pressure, a small welfare state reduces the costs of environmental policy expansion as perceived by a right‐wing government. Our theoretical narrative is supported in a dynamic panel data analysis of environmental policy outputs in 25 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development member states during the period 1975–2005.  相似文献   

9.
    
This article examines the relationship between management of the ministerial bureaucracy and the risk of high‐level corruption in Poland. Four danger zones of corruption in the ministerial bureaucracy are distinguished, comprising the personalisation of appointments, the emergence of multiple dependencies, the screening capacity of the personnel system and the incentive of bureaucrats to develop a reputation of honesty and competence. Empirically, the article investigates the case of Poland from 1997 until 2007 and sets the findings in a comparative East Central European perspective. The article shows that corruption risks in the ministerial bureaucracy increased in most but not all danger zones after 2001 and, in particular, during the period of the centre‐right governments that were in office between 2005 and 2007. The increase in corruption risks is reflected in Poland's deteriorating corruption record during the same period. The conclusion discusses the findings with regard to alternative causes of corruption and the relationship between civil service professionalisation and corruption in other East Central European countries. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

10.
创新体制从源头上预防和治理腐败   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
“一把手”腐败、用人腐败、司法腐败、公贿和行政腐败等政治领域腐败现象日益突出。制度反腐败的重点应当从经济领域转向政治领域,通过继续推动政治体制改革与创新从源头上预防和治理腐败。其中,党政领导体制改革、干部人事制度改革、司法体制改革、政府间管理体制改革和行政管理体制改革在遏止政治和行政腐败方面具有特别重要的意义。  相似文献   

11.
官邸制是主要针对高级官员的一种住房制度。对于官邸,官员只有居住权而没有产权,任职期间入住,卸任后即搬出。官邸制在国外有着长期历史,许多国家的相关制度已经相当完善,在官邸的适用范围、主要功能、使用管理规定、管理机构、运营维护、监督惩治等方面都有明确具体规定。我国的官邸制尚处于初步探索阶段,借鉴国外官邸制经验,中央政府需要在官邸的建设、分配、使用、管理、监督等方面进行完善的制度设计,建立符合我国基本国情、具有中国特色的官邸制。  相似文献   

12.
20世纪70年代末期,政企分离作为经济体制改革的一个基本目标被确立下来,如何重新安排政府和企业在市场中的各自角色,建立适应市场经济要求的新型政企关系,成为改革的焦点,总结30年政企关系改革的经验,有着十分重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

13.
加强高校反腐倡廉理论研究,是建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系的重要部分,也是强化高校服务地方职能的重要途径。面对反腐倡廉理论研究的新形势、新问题,从反腐倡廉理论研究的重要意义入手,对反腐倡廉理论研究工作创新平台的作用发挥和机制保障问题进行探讨。  相似文献   

14.
The overall development and sustained growth of any economy depend heavily on its infrastructure provisioning. Emerging economies are usually characterised by constrained public investments in infrastructure. Budgetary constraints of the governments are one of the major hurdles to these investments. Due to these reasons that governments of emerging economies continuously seek collaborations with the private sector for additional sources of funding infrastructure. Economies with solid institutional and governance frameworks are known to provide a conducive environment for enhanced private sector attraction in the sector. However, emerging economies face greater institutional and governance issues than developed economies, and they sometimes fall short of luring private investments in the infrastructure sector. The objective of this study is to empirically evaluate the role of institutional and governance aspects in private sector attraction in emerging economies. This study provides empirical evidence with a sample of 114 emerging economies over a period of 20 years. Various econometric estimates were developed to explore the interplay between public-private partnership investments and governance factors. The results of the study provide an evidence of a positive association between these factors and private investments in public-private partnership arrangements.  相似文献   

15.
电子监察是指行政监督权力的主体,利用网络信息技术再造权力运行流程,规范和监督权力行使,以实现提高行政效能和预防腐败的目标的一种手段。相对于传统的行政监察,电子监察具有独特的优势,能够丰富"预防腐败体系"的内涵和效能,越来越多地被应用于预防腐败。构建"电子监察预防腐败分析框架",要从清除腐败的权力基础、减少腐败机会、弱化腐败动机这三个方面着手,利用电子监察、电子政务等科技手段清理行政权力,消除腐败的权力基础;规范权力行使,减少腐败机会;实现权力运行公开透明,弱化腐败动机。青岛市电子监察在预防腐败方面存在着预防腐败的领域和层次不够全面、依然受到现行监察体制的制约和缺乏全面的绩效评估三方面的不足。因此,青岛市电子监察还需要拓展预防腐败的领域和层次;改进监察点设置,优化权力监督;完善廉政监察体制;构建电子监察绩效评估体系。  相似文献   

16.
This article investigates fiscal policy responses to the Great Recession in historical perspective. It explores general trends in the frequency, size and composition of fiscal stimulus as well as the impact of government partisanship on fiscal policy outputs during the four international recessions of 1980–1981, 1990–1991, 2001–2002 and 2008–2009. Encompassing 17–23 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, the analysis calls into question the idea of a general retreat from fiscal policy activism since the early 1980s. The propensity of governments to respond to economic downturns by engaging in fiscal stimulus has increased over time and no secular trend in the size of stimulus measures is observed. At the same time, OECD governments have relied more on tax cuts to stimulate demand in the two recessions of the 2000s than they did in the early 1980s or early 1990s. Regarding government partisanship, no significant direct partisan effects on either the size or the composition of fiscal stimulus is found for any of the four recession episodes. However, the size of the welfare state conditioned the impact of government partisanship in the two recessions of the 2000s, with left‐leaning governments distinctly more prone to engaging in discretionary fiscal stimulus and/or spending increases in large welfare states, but not in small welfare states.  相似文献   

17.
    
How does program sponsorship influence the design of voluntary programs? Why and how do voluntary programs on climate change sponsored by the state and federal governments in the United States vary in their institutional design? Scholars emphasize the signaling role of voluntary programs to outside stakeholders, and the excludable benefits that induce firms to take on non‐trivial costs of joining voluntary programs. Scholars have noted several types of benefits, particularly reputational benefits programs provide, but have not systematically studied why different programs emphasize different types of benefits. We suggest that excludable benefits are likely to take different forms depending on the institutional context in which program sponsors function. We hypothesize that federal programs are likely to emphasize less tangible reputational benefits while state programs are likely to emphasize more tangible benefits, such as access to technical knowledge and capital. Statistical analyses show the odds of a voluntary program emphasizing tangible benefits increases by several folds when the program is sponsored by the state as opposed to federal government.  相似文献   

18.
    
Abstract

Drawing upon primary and secondary historical material, this paper explores the role of intelligence in early modern government. It focuses upon developments in seventeenth- and early-eighteenth-century England, a site-specific genealogical moment in the broader history of state power/knowledges. Addressing a tendency in Foucauldian work to neglect pre-eighteenth-century governance, the analysis reveals a set of interrelated processes which gave rise to an innovative technique for anticipating hazard and opportunity for the state. At the intersection of raison d’État, the evolving art of government, widespread routines of secrecy and a post-Westphalia field of European competition and exchange, intelligence was imagined as a fundamental solution to the concurrent problems of ensuring peace and stability while improving state forces. In the administrative offices of the English Secretary of State, an assemblage of complex and interrelated procedures sought to produce and manipulate information in ways which exposed both possible risks to the state and potential opportunities for expansion and gain. As this suggests, the art of intelligence played an important if largely unacknowledged role in the formation and growth of the early modern state. Ensuring strategic advantage over rivals, intelligence also limited the ability of England's neighbours to dominate trade, control the seas and master the colonies, functioning as a constitutive feature of European balance and equilibrium. As the analysis concludes, understanding intelligence as a form of governmental technique – a way of doing something – reveals an entirely novel way of thinking about and investigating its myriad (historical and contemporary) formations.  相似文献   

19.
中央权威是指中央权力在国家权力结构中所享有的独占性威望和最高强制力。中央权威的宪政之道是对国家法治战略之中央权力宪法安排的解读。社会主义法治意识形态是我国宪法精神的集中表达,是央地权力共同的价值基础和信仰支撑;从政策治国向依法治国转变是宪法之依法治国战略的基本要求,它为中央权威提供了更具连续性和公正性的合法性基础;落实全国人大及其常委会的最高监督权和加强中央司法权威的控制力,是宪法国家权力结构的内在需求,也是加强中央权威的根本宪政途径;宪法意义上的地方分权是地方权力对中央权威的一种回应性诉求,也是宪政权力纵向配置的一种内在机理。  相似文献   

20.
已有文献较少研究微观层面的个体腐败决策过程,即腐败行为模型研究。在梳理腐败行为模型理论背景和有关概念基础上,介绍了这一模型所构建的个体从事腐败行为前的四阶段决策过程理论框架,分析了模型中个体动机、意志、认知和情绪等多种成分对腐败的影响机制。总结该模型在个体、情境和组织等因素影响腐败的有关研究中的应用现状,结果表明,相对于宏观因素,个体因素对腐败意图和行为的影响可能更具有决定性。最后提出了腐败行为模型的研究展望:进一步完善理论框架,深入探讨模型中各有关变量的作用机制,对情境和组织层面的腐败影响因素进行整合。  相似文献   

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