"奥巴马百日新政"研讨会综述

2009年5月6日,由中国社会科学院美国研究所主办的"奥巴马百日新政"研讨会在京举行.来自外交部、北京大学、清华大学、人民大学、国防大学、澳门大学、中国社科院美国所和亚太所等国家单位的近40位专家与会.会议围绕奥巴马执政百日以来美同国内政治、外交政策和中美关系等问题进行研讨.     

The Abe Administration: Beyond 100 Days

The second Abe administration, inaugurated on December 26, 2012, has been called a repudiation of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) rather than a strong endorsement of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). However, in the intervening months, public support has risen. Going forward, the Abe administration faces three serious challenges, namely the economy, security and foreign policy, and a strategy to win in the Upper House elections expected in July 2013. This article analyzes each of these challenges and explores possible courses that the administration could take.     

Forbidden Workers and the U.S. Labor Movement: Fuzhounese in New York City

Sweatshops exist when capital can exert maximum leverage over workers in setting wages, hours of work, conditions of labor, flexibility of hiring and firing, as well as in stopping workers from organizing and authorities from enforcing labor laws. In our globalized economy, these shops do not have to exist only in Third World countries. This article shows that sweatshops exist in the United States, especially in immigrant communities, where labor enforcement does not exist and employers have the upper hand. Employers like those in New York City's Chinatown are able to recruit illegal immigrants to work for them. Chinese illegals, having to pay their smuggling debts or face the possibility of physical violence, are willing to work under almost any circumstance just to meet their debt obligations. Employers take full advantage of this situation by lowering the working standard even further for everyone including legal immigrants under nineteenth century-like conditions. This will not change unless there is a rank-and-file U.S. labor movement that includes everyone regardless of color, nationality, and legal or illegal status. Only then will labor be in a position to rid the United States of sweatshops and lift up the condition of all U.S. workers.     

A note on the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy and the New York times cover-up

This article reveals the role of research and development (R&;D) policies in the development of the technology-intensive industries of China. Since economic reform began in 1978, the Chinese government has transformed the R&;D system from one that was wholly centrally planned into a more market-orientated system, making it more efficient and productive. At the same time, the state, its incentives and its investment remain significant. The government has increased the R&;D expenditure rapidly, while trying to develop indigenous technologies. It has actively utilised foreign direct investment inflows as the means to introduce advanced technology from developed countries. It has also provided systematic guidelines and established the economic technology development zones and high technology industrial development zones, in order to channel foreign investment inflows into technology-intensive industries. China has placed emphasis on the development of human resources in science and technology as well. Finally, the implications of the role of government in developing technology-intensive industries are considered.     

试析民国前期暨南大学的海外招生

本着弘教泽而系侨情,培育华侨子弟、服务海外华侨事业之宗旨,早期暨南大学以对侨生"来者不拒、广纳学子"的基本态度,使招生录取工作在逐渐走向严密系统的同时,招生录取形式亦趋于灵活多样.     

美国主流媒体视野中的中日领土争端问题研究——以《纽约时报》(1980～2010年)为例

塑造良好的国家形象,营造客观友善的国际舆论环境,是一个国家开展外交的重要内容。无论是从战略角度还是从国家利益的角度,中日双边关系对中国来说均举足轻重,但是双边领土争端问题却成为横亘在两国政府和民间的重要障碍。无论是中国的对日政策还是日本的对华政策,都离不开美国因素的干扰,而媒体舆论又是美国政府对外政策制定的重要背景因素,因此,本文搜集了1980～2010年美国主流媒体《纽约时报》关于中日领土争端议题的98篇新闻报道,并对其进行了系统的梳理、研究和分析,力图再现时代条件制约下美国大众传播媒体有关中日双边关系的评论。     

Class conflict in Chinese socialism,by Richard Curt Kraus. New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, $22.50

Abstract

One notion of a bureaucratic class in a socialist society has been put forward by Milovan Djilas. According to Djilas, although under socialism there is no longer private ownership of the means of production, a small group of people in the government bureaucracy exercise effective economic control and can use this control to extract a surplus. The bureaucracy which gains control of society's economic surplus maintains the alienated condition of the working class and becomes a ruling class in Marxian terms. In Class Conflict in Chinese Socialism, Richard Kraus’ thesis is that Mao Zedong was aware of, and actively opposed, the beginnings of such a class in modem China. Kraus traces the evolution of Mao's theory of class to show the richness of Mao's theory and to document the influence which that theory had on post-1949 China. Kraus does not adhere strictly to Djilas’ definition of a bureaucratic class, however, nor does he explicitly develop one of his own. Rather, he lacks rigor in his use of such terms as “class” and “class struggle,” making his analysis unclear and the evidence for his thesis weak.