政治哲学与行政哲学的比较分析--从另一种角度探讨行政哲学

政治决定行政,行政是整个政治过程的一个有机组成部分.政治哲学是对政治生活的哲学反思,行政哲学是对行政生活的哲学反思,政治与行政之间的有机联系必然会在政治哲学与行政哲学之间的关系中体现出来.因此,比较政治哲学与行政哲学之间的异同点,并借鉴理论形态已经相当成熟的政治哲学在研究对象、研究内容、研究方向、研究方法等方面的经验,对处于初创时期的行政哲学的发展具有重要的推动作用.     

行政对文化规制的合理性探讨

行政对文化的规制有其合理性。运用经济学的分析方法可知,为实现社会成本的最小化,行政应对文化采取适当的规制。但行政对文化的规制应是在法律框架下的、宏观层面的,而且应采取硬性强制手段与软性引导手段相结合的规制方法。     

马克思主义哲学视角下实践概念及意义

相较于马克思以前的哲学家,马克思赋予实践概念以全新的内涵,在马克思主义哲学中,马克思把实践规定为人的现实的、感性的活动,是主体见之于客体的东西,在这一实践观的基础上唯物论、认识论、辩证法和历史观构成有机的统一整体。实践是联结主客体的中介和基础,是人类认识世界和改造世界的统一。马克思主义哲学以实践范畴作为自己理论体系的核心,体现能动性与受动性的统一,建立了完整的理论体系。实践概念的提出和实践观的确立,是实现哲学上伟大变革的关键。     

French Enlightenment: truth and life

This paper considers the relations of truth, life and norm in the work of Georges Canguilhem and Michel Foucault argued that in France it was in the philosophy of science that one finds the clearest formulations of the problems of rationality and the sovereignty of reason. This distintive confrontation can be termed French Modern. For Canguilhem, an ontological and existential pathos arose from the fact that living beings were fated to struggle in the face of circumstances. For Foucault, this ontology became historical and political. For both, the key question was the relationship between life itself and the understanding of life. The paper concludes by reflecting upon some implications of the ways in which the relation between life and lived experience is posed today.     

Using prediction market data for measuring the expected closeness in electoral research

This article analyzes the effect of the expected closeness on turnout for 56 direct-democratic votes held in Switzerland between 2012 and 2015. It is the first study to measure the expected closeness by using data obtained from prediction markets. It clarifies empirically the relation between the expected closeness and the levels of turnout in direct democratic votes showing that the expected closeness of the result exerts a positive effect on participation levels.     

“理性经济人”假设的合理性及其限度

"理性经济人"假设是西方经济学进行经济研究的前提假设,这一理论具有一定的合理性,其为经济学研究奠定了理论假设的前提。马克思主义认为:"人的本质不是单个人所固有的抽象物,在其现实性上,它是一切社会关系的总和。"[1]人的本性也是发展变化的,不能单从经济方面去界定人的本性,只有把人看做不断发展的、全面的人才是对人的正确认识,从这一方面来说"理性经济人"假设又有一定的限度。因此,应该对"理性经济人"假设作辩证的理解。     

Hegel,Habermas and the Spirit of Critical Theory

Abstract

This paper explores the complex relation between Hegel and Habermas. Centring the discussion around the key themes of philosophy, modernity and political philosophy, it argues for a gradual re-approachment of Habermas towards Hegel. In the final section on critical theory, it takes up the question of the spirit of this theory to offer a more trenchant critique of Habermas' theoretical short coming from this perspective.     

The microeconomic voter

In the United States, aggregate and individual level studies of economic voting for the Congress have produced contradictory findings. The same is true for models of economic voting for the Australian Parliament. This paper presents data taken from a series of individual level studies which show that voters' attitudes towards fiscal and microeconomic issues have been better predictors of the vote for the Australian House of Representatives over the last four elections than their attitudes towards macroeconomic issues. This finding suggests that the cause of the inconsistency between aggregate and individual level models of voting may be that aggregate models of economic voting which include only macroeconomic variables are inadequately specified, since they do not take broader aspects of the economy into account.     

Justice Without Transition: Truth Commissions in the Context of Repressive Rule

While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades, the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems, may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations, the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s 1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.

“以学生为中心”高职院校物流专业英语教学探讨

专业英语教学是高职院校英语教学的重要组成部分。专业英语的二维特点决定了该课程的讲授方法具有独特性,但目前专业英语教学往往停滞在过时的专业阅读文献资料及术语上,存在诸多弊端。改革的对策有：树立＂以学生为中心＂的教学新理念;开展＂互动式教学＂;传授英语学习技巧。     

The United States,Japan, and the power to block: the APEC and AMF cases

This paper argues that the evolution of APEC and the rejection of Japan's 1997 AMF proposal reflect a failure of Japanese and US leadership. Not only have the two countries failed to exercise either individual or shared regional leadership. Instead, both have used their considerable structural power negatively to block the other's proposals for regional collective action, rather than positively to exercise leadership. After developing the concepts of leadership and blocking power, the paper provides case studies of the APEC and AMF. It concludes that if a post-hegemonic US no longer has the willingness and/or the ability to undertake collective action single-handedly, and if in a post-Cold War world neither the US nor Japan has sufficient incentives to bridge their differences and sacrifice some interests to achieve a unified stance, then continued stalemate and under-supply of regional collective goods can be expected.     

Why Do States Commission the Truth? Political Considerations in the Establishment of African Truth and Reconciliation Commissions

Although the use of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) has grown considerably over the last 3 decades, there is still much that we do not know concerning the choice and the structuring of TRCs. While the literature has focused primarily on the effects of TRCs, we examine the domestic and the international factors influencing the choice of a commission in sub-Saharan Africa from 1974 to 2003 using pooled cross-sectional time series. We find that states which adopted a TRC prior to South Africa were generally repressive centralized regimes which used the truth commission as political cover. However, since South Africa’s TRC, democratizing states have been more likely to adopt a truth commission as a form of transitional justice.

论科学和宗教性质与作用的相通

近代以来的科学进步在十分深远的层面上改变了人们对世界的看法,伴随宗教在公共生活中的退隐,科学在今天正起着与中世纪的宗教相似的作用。科学与宗教的相似性质与在历史上地位的转换值得加以重视。     

Speaking to the People: Critchley,Rousseau and the Deficit in Practical Rationality

Abstract

This article considers Critchley's Infinitely Demanding and his essay "The Catechism of the Citizen" in relation to the theory-practice debate and the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. It considers what these texts say about the relation between politics and religion on one hand and reason and sensuousness on the other. The focus is the way the latter text takes up a quasi-religious response to the motivational deficit in secular liberal democratic life thematized in Infinitely Demanding.     

Who’s Sorry Now? Government Apologies,Truth Commissions,and Indigenous Self-Determination in Australia,Canada, Guatemala,and Peru

Official apologies and truth commissions are increasingly utilized as mechanisms to address human rights abuses. Both are intended to transform inter-group relations by marking an end point to a history of wrongdoing and providing the means for political and social relations to move beyond that history. However, state-dominated reconciliation mechanisms are inherently problematic for indigenous communities. In this paper, we examine the use of apologies, and truth and reconciliation commissions in four countries with significant indigenous populations: Canada, Australia, Peru, and Guatemala. In each case, the reconciliation mechanism differentiated the goal of reconciliation from an indigenous self-determination agenda. The resulting state-centered strategies ultimately failed to hold states fully accountable for past wrongs and, because of this, failed to transform inter-group relations.