The paradox of politics and policy in redistributing income

With political ideology with respect to the income distribution measured by proxy as the fraction of conservative coalition victories, it is found that over the period 1961–1984 the degree of conservative coalition strength is positively associated with changes in inequality, holding the effects of unemployment and inflation constant.A natural question is why don't the low income types vote in candidates who will consistently redistribute income in their favor? The result of such a political process would be a downward trend in income inequality. In point of fact, there is no evidence whatsoever of any trend in income equality over the period. The answer to both questions may be that Tullock (1983, 1986) is on to something. If the middle class voters transfer gains back and forth, the poor can't gain and they don't, then the distribution should be stable and is.     

以科学发展观统领高校思想政治理论课与马克思主义理论学科建设

以科学发展观统领思想政治理论课和马克思主义理论学科建设,是高校思想政治工作的新要求。高校必须坚持以人为本,根据全面、协调、可持续的原则,对思想政治理论课和马克思主义理论学科统筹安排,合理规划。为此,高校既需要转变观念,在价值定位、指导思想上坚定科学发展的信念,又要从实际出发,找到落实科学发展观的突破口,在机构设置、资金支持、课程安排、师资促进等各个环节和方面,高瞻远瞩,谋规划、定措施、给力度,在协调、可持续中达到全面发展。     

American citizenship and expatriatism: identity and politics outside the state

This article seeks to interrogate the concept of global citizenship through the disruptive lens of the American expatriate. The goal of this inquiry is to use empirical research done on American expatriates, including the results of a survey conducted by the authors, to better understand issues of citizenship and politics amongst American expatriates. The theoretical literature on citizenship and transnationalism argues that immigrants and expatriates help challenge the hegemony of the nation-state, a claim that can be tested by investigating how expatriates view their own experiences. By juxtaposing the empirical work of researchers focused on American expats with the theoretical work of citizenship and globalization theorists, we find that political affinity and national identity continue to matter for those living outside the USA, but within a larger global context. Thus, if the path envisioned by those who embrace globalization is to be followed, how might concepts of citizenship and national policy towards their citizens need to change?     

程序正义的理论困境与现实悖论

程序正义有利于平衡各种相互冲突的利益,确保正义理念最大限度地实现。单从理论上遵循自主、公正、理性三原则进行的制度设计以达到程序正义的目标,在实践中却受到来自人性的弱点和程序自身的干扰,造成理论与现实的脱节。同时也体现出程序正义并不能独立存在而有赖于实质正义的评判标准,但是二者并不能一劳永逸地实现社会正义,殊途同归,还须回归制度建设的道路上来,在制度建设中贯彻正义之原则以最终趋向程序正义。     

Neo-corporatist theory and the politics of industrial decline

Abstract. The case of the French textile and clothing industry during the post-1974 crisis period illustrates a number of issues relevant to the debate about meso-corporatism and interest intermediation at the sectoral level in industry. It highlights the importance of attempts to understand the relationships between organised interests and the state in the analysis of the policy process. The pattern of state-industry relations which evolved was crucial in determining the outcome of conflict between state and industry over the management of restructuring during the crisis.
The inapplicability of the meso-corporatist model to this case becomes clear. There was a conspicuous absence of either political exchange or a shared policy agenda, each an important element of corporatist patterns of policy formation, in both the formation and implementation of adjustment policies in the sector. Mutual suspicion and a struggle to control the terms of the debate yielded a low level of co-operation. Eventually the industry was able to appropriate increased public funds on its own terms and to insist on a protective trade regime.
The complexity of the case points to the need to broaden the debate over models of interest intermediation and to relate it to issues in political economy. This is particularly important with regard to the structure of the bureaucratic state and notions of state autonomy.     

Markets beyond politics? The state and the internationalisation of financial markets

Abstract. The role of politics is particularly difficult to discern in the domain of international financial markets, where the state's capacity to control or direct capital flows, without incurring considerable opportunity (and political) costs, appears so limited. In addressing this question, this paper argues that the process of internationalisation is first and foremost the consequence of political decision-making (to create open markets) and that many domestic interests linked to the international market have promoted internationalisation both through their policy preferences and economic activity. The paper will then go on to argue that the threat of financial instability and crisis, a consequence of the increased volatility of relatively unregulated capital flows, has prompted political demands for more concerted inter-state co-operation to maintain stability. Much of this takes place through transnational agreements among state agencies, such as the central banks, and much through 'reregulation' in the guise of 'harmonisation' of regulatory and prudential supervisory policies.
Some of this process has received considerable publicity, such as the harmonisation of EEC regulations to facilitate freer trade in banking and financial services as part of the preparation for the Single European Market in 1992. Likewise, the current Uruguay Round of GATT trade talks has the liberalisation of trade in financial services on its agenda. Other aspects of the process have been carried on quietly, far from public view, in such forums as the Bank for International Settlements. Such is the case of a recent agreement to harmonise minimum capital adequacy requirements for banks operating in international markets. The paper uses these three cases to support the argument about the role of politics and the state in international finance.     

Party politics and the survival of central bank governors

Legally independent central banks leave elected politicians with little direct control over monetary policy. The most important indirect channel of influence for governments thus consists in appointing ‘responsive’ central bank officials and removing ‘hostile’ ones. This premise is tested by examining the effect of partisan ties between central bank governors and governments or presidents in 30 European democracies between 1945 and 2012. Drawing on an original dataset containing information on the party affiliations of 195 governors, event history models are employed to show that affiliation with a party represented in the executive (the government or the presidency) has a large and significant positive effect on governor survival. However, affiliation with an opposition party only increases governors' hazards during the first four years of their term, suggesting that the impact of the party label may be overridden as more reliable information about a governor becomes available.     

马克思主义社会交往理论的当代价值

随着新科技革命、知识经济和工业文明的飞速发展,全球正进入了一个高度交往的社会。交往乃是马克思一生关注的中心课题,交往理论是马克思社会哲学思想的一个重要内容,交往是历史唯物主义的基本范畴,是社会有机系统的主要粘合剂,是社会进步的重要机制,是历史向世界历史转变的主要推进器,是在新的全球化背景下构建和谐社会的基本前提。解读马克思的交往思想,深入研究马克思交往理论的哲学蕴涵,探讨马克思交往理论在当代的价值,有助于我们对马克思交往理论有一完整的认识,也有益于对唯物史观的深入了解。     

中国共产党人对马克思主义自由途径理论的应用与发展

马克思主义认为,实践是人类实现自由的根本途径。中国共产党人以唯物史观发现和解决中国的现实问题,中国人民追求自由的伟大事业一步步地推向深入,使马克思主义自由途径理论在中国有了新的形态。     

高校思想政治理论课教育实践方式研究

高校思想政治理论课教育实践方式研究在高校思想政治理论课教学中具有非常重要的作用。主要从思想政治理论课教育实践方式研究的重要性,开展思想政治理论课教育实践方式研究面临的问题,以及思想政治理论课教育实践方式研究的对策三个方面进行探讨,从而提高思想政治理论课的教学效果和实践水平发挥重要的作用。     

Congressional distributive politics and state economic performance

States that were represented by very senior Democratic congressmen grew more quickly during the 1953–1990 period than states that were represented by more junior congressional delegations. States with a large fraction of politically competitive House districts also grew faster than average. The first finding is consistent with traditional legislator-based models of distributive politics, the second with partisan models. We cannot detect any substantively important association between seniority, state political competition, and the geographic distribution of federal funds, so higher district- specific federal spending does not appear to be the source of the link between state economic growth and congressional representation.     

Redistributive politics: A theory of taxation for an incumbent in a democracy

In order to maximize votes, incumbent politicians design and implement redistributional programs. These programs benefit some voters at the expense of others. In the simple two group (or tax payers and beneficiaries) case we identify the nature of vote maximizing transfer policies. This model's basic approach is shown to hold for multiple group models as well. Strategic implications for the organizers of sub groups of the population (or group leaders) are developed. Other extensions of the model are discussed. qu]Where the budget is clever is in its detail. Each little measure is designed to hurt (but not too much) people who are not politically important, while tossing a bone to people who are. You can see this in a host of different ways.     

马克思主义中国化理论意识形态的贯通作用

在主流意识形态与主导意识形态之间的区别与联系分析中发现马克思主义中国化理论是贯通主导意识形态和主流意识形态之间的重要组成部分,是连接国家意识形态和社会意识形态的重要部件,是意识形态工作中必须牢牢抓紧和长期建设的重要阵地。我们必须清楚认识到马克思主义中国化理论在意识形态领域的地位,充分发挥马克思主义中国化理论的作用,统一全党全社会的思想,凝聚力量,画好新时代思想同心圆。     

发挥马克思主义科学理论对实践的指导作用

理论与实践的统一,是马克思主义的一个最基本的原则。这里,在把握“理论”与“实际”的关系时,一方面,要牢牢把握住理论来源于实践,必须经受实践的检验,并不断与时俱进的方面;另一方面,也要注重从实践中得来,经过实践的不断检验证明正确的理论对实践的指导和预测意义。这包括：一、理论来源于实践,又反过来指导实践;二、理论具有社会发展的规律性把握和可预测力;三、理论都是有期效的,但在特定时间段内相对稳定,不能轻言过时;四、坚持马克思主义立场观点方法,发挥马克思主义科学理论对实践的指导作用,等等。在当代中国,坚持马克思主义科学理论对实践的指导作用,就必须坚持中国特色社会主义理论对当代中国实践的指导作用。