布莱尔第三条道路理论探析

本剖析了流行于当今英国的第三条道路理论的思想渊源及其与历史上一度出现过的其他第三条道路的本质区别。章指出,布莱尔等人所竭力鼓吹的“新”第三条道路的“新颖之处”就是一条把自己定位于两个极端之间的道路,即新自由主义和社会民主之间的中问道路。和其他的道路相比,“新”第三条道路既持有相似的言辞,又有内容上的实质差别。第三条道路所宣称的四大支柱(社区、责任、义务和机会)在历史上已出现过多次,它实际上是自由论、保守主义思想、社会主义成分等思想的混合物。工党从提出自我更新,实现现代化到最终第三条道路的出笼,其实质是放弃了社会主义的价值取向。第三条道路理论的许多内容及其所涉及的概念模糊不清、模棱两可,因而也难以实施清晰的政策措施。新工党还将继续进一步作出选择,进行未来的思想构造。     

An Obituary for the Third Way: The Financial Crisis and Social Democracy in Europe

Why has the financial crisis not served as an occasion for social democratic revival? It is because, with the ‘Third Way’, European social democracy became imbricated with the financial system in crisis to such an extent that it is in no position to offer an alternative to it. The financial crisis is the crisis of the Third Way. Furthermore, the Third Way was based on the faulty premise that it was possible to replicate USA's apparent success in the 1990s, which, however, was based on very particular conditions. The argument is pursued with reference to inter alia Third Way ideology, transatlantic relations, the political economy of capitalist variety, and the political sociology of mass parties.     

Travelling with vehicular ideas: The case of the third Way

In all the various debates around Anthony Giddens's Third Way sequence, few attempts have been made to characterize its logic and impact as a type of discourse, a certain mode of ideas-work. The first dimension of this paper involves deploying Thomas Osborne's categories to depict the Third Way as a ‘vehicular’ idea, with the intellectual style of Giddens himself correlatively framed as that of a new sort of ‘mediator’. In these terms, the essential inclusiveness and indeterminacy of the Third Way series of texts is illustrated, and the issue of what counts as ideas ‘success’ in the vehicular mode is broached. Second, in line with the inherent mobility of vehicular ideas, I identify the keynote shifts in Third Way thinking over time, including the sociological register that it occupies, its pragmatism and its relationship to New Labour politics. In a third phase, the article takes up questions about the role of the critical intellectual today and the practical, though not theoretical, recovery of ‘ideology-critique’ in appraising ideas like the Third Way. The scope and limits of the very notion of ‘vehicularity’ itself are central to this discussion.     

第三部门与社会支持网络的构建——以受歧视和污名人群为例

伴随着我国各项改革的深入和社会转型,国家发生了许多深刻的变化,取得了巨大的成就,同时也滋生了许多社会不和谐因素,比如歧视和污名问题.改革开放既为中国第三部门创造了巨大的发展空间,也使污名和歧视问题日益严峻,导致改革面临重重困境.针对这一问题的研究有助于社会发展和经济发展的顺利进行.在对这一群体构建支持网络的过程中,明显地显现政府失灵和市场失灵,而新兴的第三部门介入该领域成为必要和可能.欲将第三部门与污名和歧视问题结合起来,以第三部门发展所取得的成就为突破口来寻求该问题的解决不失为一种新的途径.通过对目前该领域中第三部门的经验获得、问题所在、未来发展和建议意见等方面的探讨,旨在促进我国歧视和污名现象的减弱和第三部门的完善与发展.     

Third Ways or New Ways? The Post‐Communist Left in Central Europe

Communist successor parties in central Europe are not a homogeneous group of political actors. Processes of organisational reform undertaken in the immediate post-1989 period placed them on a programmatic trajectory which has since proven difficult to successfully modify. Parties that centralised power around a small group of elite actors have enjoyed more flexibility in their attempts to maximise votes and remain ideologically broad. Parties that radically democratised by empowering their memberships and/or middle-ranking officials have remained much more ideologically conservative and have tend to be neo-communist in orientation. This has strongly affected not just their positions in national party systems, but also their attitudes and behaviour towards foreign actors/institutions. Some communist successor parties therefore remain side-lined on the anti-capitalist far-left while others have developed into confident, outward-looking centre-left actors while one - the Slovak SDL - imploded on account of its own internal contradictions.     

Breaking the Double Impasse: Securing and Supporting Diverse Housing Tenures in the United States

What might be described as a double impasse characterizes debate on U.S. housing tenure with advocates fighting for rental or ownership housing on one side and Third Way or mixed-tenure solutions on the other. Breaking this impasse requires disengaging from conceptions of an idealized form of tenure and instead advocating making virtually all tenures as secure and supported as possible, so that diverse households are able to live in homes that best fit their changing needs over their life cycles. This essay (a) presents data on the variety of tenures in the United States; (b) conveys a new two-dimensional map of tenure according to their degrees of control and potential for wealth-building; and (c) shows how U.S. institutions shape their risks and subsidies. Most U.S. tenures are at least somewhat risky, including those that receive the greatest federal subsidies. A new housing system is needed to secure and support as many tenures as possible.     

The ASEAN Way as a symbol: an analysis of discourses on the ASEAN Norms

Has the ‘ASEAN Way’ – a set of rules of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centered on the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making – really established its position as an ASEAN norm? This paper aims to analyze the discourses of each ASEAN country and empirically explain their attitudes toward the norm. Specifically, I review various documentations to examine how various ASEAN diplomats have used the term ‘ASEAN Way.’ How did they come to call the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making ‘ASEAN Way’ in the early 1990s? Why have they begun using the term negatively, as something to be reformed, in recent years? By describing the discourses on the ‘ASEAN Way’ and their changes over the years, I show that the rationality of non-interference and consensus decision-making has changed over time and shifted the positioning of the ‘ASEAN way’ as a symbol. This presents a new and empirical interpretation of the changes in ASEAN Norms.     

父母的社会地位与社会资本——家庭因素对大学生就业意愿的影响

本文根据地位结构观和网络结构观的视角,基于定量的研究方法验证了父母的社会地位与社会资本对大学生求职意愿的影响。主要发现包括,父母的社会地位与社会资本对大学生就业意愿的影响存在显著差异;父母的社会资本对于大学生"从政"意愿影响显著;父母的社会地位对于大学生"入企"意愿影响显著;家庭收入越高,大学生"入企"意愿越高;父亲教育水平越高,家庭社会网络异质性越大,大学生继续深造的意愿越高。     

公共管理视域中的第三部门：功能、优势及困境

第三部门与公共管理无论从理念还是实践层面都具有紧密的内在联系。第三部门是公民社会的组织,在公共管理的多元主体体系中,代表来自市场和政府之外的力量。在公共管理中,第三部门发挥独特的功能,它已经成为推动经济发展、提供社会公共服务、推进民主政治进程、维护社会稳定、促进社会资本积累的重要力量。第三部门功能的发挥源于第三部门在贴近民众、行动灵活、创新性、专业性、广泛性方面具有独特的优势。同时,第三部门由于内外两方面的原因,存在活力缺失的困境。第三部门要走出困境,客观上需要第三部门自身、政府和社会的共同努力。     

New Labour,racism and ‘new’ football in England

ABSTRACT

Bradbury and Williams begin by examining aspects of the genealogy of incidents of fan racism at the Spain v. England international football match in Madrid on 17 November 2004, and the public outcry in Britain that followed. They raise questions about the possible ‘strategic mobilization’ by Spanish fans of apparently racist epithets as a response to the use, by the English football authorities before the match, of prominent anti-racism symbolism. The main body of the article then considers the British public response to Madrid within the context of the Blairite New Labour policy on football racism in England from the late 1990s. It argues that Labour's Football Task Force from 1997 constituted an entirely new direction for sport and government policy in Britain. However, by drawing on the comments of some of the key figures involved, Bradbury and Williams further contend that, both structurally and ideologically, the Task Force was preset to limit its own investigations on the nature and effects of racism, specifically in the English game. Although the Task Force's report, Eliminating Racism in Football, has had some positive effects—for example, on Football Association policy or in stimulating local anti-racist initiatives—its narrow focus and its relatively underdeveloped understanding of the racism problem in professional sport led its members to de-emphasize the significance of forms of institutionalized racism within English football. Research and commentaries on racism in the English game since that report was published in 1998 suggest that problems of racialized exclusion in football remain. Bradbury and Williams conclude that the public outrage in Britain about the incidents in Madrid reflect an over-concentration on silencing public expressions of racism—combating overt, collective fan outbreaks—at the expense of addressing the racialized structures of power that continue to shape access, opportunities and acceptance of ethnic minorities within professional football in England.     

The Third Way Project in Britain: The Role of the Prime Minister's Policy Unit

The reputedly pragmatic Prime Minister's Policy Unit focuses on 'what works', but has also sought to elaborate the governing philosophy of the 'third way'. By explaining what the government is doing and why, the third way is meant to improve electoral performance and policy co-ordination, enhance democracy and unite the party. This article identifies conflicts within and between these goals. It concludes that electoral concerns and party unity have been paramount for the Policy Unit.     

Social Change, Values and Political Agency: The Case of the Third Way

The third way is based on both sociological claims about a changed world, and normative propositions about appropriate conduct within that world. Four types of claim concerning the relationship between social change and political values are identified within third way advocacy. In each case, the degree of political agency implied is assessed. This ranges from a position which minimises the room for political interventions in the face of social change, to one which gives primacy to the role of political values. A successful third way project, or alternative, needs not only to be grounded in contemporary social change, but also to show how to steer it.     

New Labour Legacy: Comparing the Labour Governments of Blair and Brown to Labour Governments since 1945

The election of the Conservative–Liberal coalition in May 2010 provides the opportunity to start to map out the record of the Labour governments between 1997 and 2010. This paper deals with the specific question how the Brown/Blair governments performed on public expenditures when compared to the records of UK Labour governments since 1945. Did the public expenditure record of the 1997 represent a departure from that of previous Labour governments? This is important to ascertain since there are strongly held beliefs that New Labour was not committed to Labour's historic commitments of income redistribution and universal benefits. The analysis that follows is constructed around five major public expenditure programmes that reflect Labour's priorities. These include total expenditure, expenditure on health, education, housing and social security.     

Opportunity,responsibility and the market: interrogating liberal equality

This article scrutinizes the claim that liberal egalitarians are now the last real torchbearers for the principles of egalitarian reform. This claim might appear eccentric on the surface, but is increasingly common in leftist circles following the recent abandonment of such principles by formerly socialist parties. Programmes of 'social inclusion', for instance, are now widely criticized for substituting a desire to tackle economic inequalities with an incitement for us to become obedient, productive citizens. Focusing here on the claim that liberal egalitarians pose a radical alternative to this kind of discourse, I show that the real deficiencies of much liberal egalitarianism not only resemble but in many ways actually provide the sort of discourse within which parties like New Labour operate.     

Journalism ethics and Levinas' Third: interruption in a world of multiple Others

This paper develops a theory of journalism ethics centered on the concept of interruption. Interruption provides a space in which the “Other” can speak; an instance in which those with whom we have no other contact but through news media can disrupt us. While steeped in Levinasian philosophy, the theory of journalism ethics developed here challenges some of its key tenets: unlimited responsibility for the Other and the single passive ethical imperative “interrupt me.” In a world inhabited by a multitude of others, a dogmatic reading of Levinas cannot foster a “community of interruption” in which the news media play a crucial role. Ultimately, to achieve such a community, the “Third” (the Other's other) must be privileged over the Other and the passive ethical imperative requires a complementary active imperative best stated as “let me interrupt!”     

The Democratization of Welfare Between Rhetoric and Reality: Local Planning,Participation, and Third Sector in Italy

The third sector, traditionally considered in the Italian welfare state as a residual actor of social policies, has increasingly engaged itself in various types of partnerships and collaborative planning processes with the local authority in recent years. In the rhetoric of welfare reform, third sector organizations play an important role, for they contribute to regenerating local democracy, stimulating communities, and fighting social exclusion. The article examines 12 local area plans, which have been realized in eight regions of Italy since 2000, by relying on empirical data and interviews. The article concludes that the so-called co-governance of local welfare can produce very different levels of democratization and improvement of social programs. In some areas, it may be that valorizing the third sector can effectively renew social policies, while in others the exact reverse may happen. The article offers an analysis of the main factors that influenced this result.     

Governing under advanced liberalism: sport policy and the social investment state

Since the election in 1997 of a New Labour Government in the United Kingdom, a growing number of analyses have provided insights into, and critiques of, what has been termed the “social investment state”. To date, these analyses have interrogated particular developments and distinct issues in a number of key social welfare policy-related sectors, including education, citizenship, the family, and poverty/employment. Notable by its absence, however, is the contribution that policies for sport and physical activity are now playing in the realisation of New Labour’s social investment strategies. This article therefore interrogates and registers the growing salience of sport policy interventions for the construction of a social investment state within the broader political context of governing under “advanced liberal” rationalities. The “active citizen”, and children and young people, in particular, are valorised and appear centre-stage as the focus for these interventions. This child-centred focus is problematised, as is the argument that, under prevailing political rationalities of advanced liberalism, government “steers” rather than “rows” and “enables” rather than “commands”. Under these conditions, while children are deemed deserving of investment, there may be other groups who are deemed less deserving, for example, older people who, unlike children and young people have little currency in a future-oriented world.

社会保障资源安排中的逻辑与政治——以华北一个村庄为例

采用"质的研究"方式,对社会转型期华北一个村庄内各种保障或救济性质的资源安排进行了微观分析。相对于宏观政策层面的简单与明晰,正式的社会保障资源在农村社区的分配与利用过程中的功能、内容和形式都更为丰富,如作为消解其他政策和项目所带来的负面影响的工具,或演变为被争夺的竞争性经济资源,或将动态的保障制度异化为长期的养老保障,或作为维稳和社区治理的一种政策性工具等;这些变异一方面有悖政策初衷,使得政策目标发生偏离,另一方面也可能侵蚀社会公正。因此,社会保障政策制定与执行过程中需要充分考虑农村社区复杂而多元的现实,更具规范性、透明性和参与性,这也要求建立起更为健全的农村社会保障体系以及相应的监测与评估机制,厘清社会保障与社会治理的关系,尽可能避免进入政策资源异化与资源补偿型维稳的怪圈。与此同时,非正式的保障资源或社区内部的某些安排则在一定程度上弥补了正式的政策性资源的缺位或短缺,而如何将正式的保障政策资源与社区的、社会的力量有效结合起来是有待进一步研究的课题。     

社会保障供款征缴体制国际比较与中国的抉择

对世界各国社会保障供款征缴的"分征""代征""混征"这三个模式进行了实证分析,并利用第一手资料对每个模式做了案例研究;在此基础上对社保部门、税务部门和私人部门三个不同征缴主体在三个不同征缴模式中的职能作用与协调配合问题做了考察;对中东欧转型国家征缴模式的改革取向及其原因做了分析.针对中国目前存在的社保部门和税务部门"双重征缴"体制的现状,认为,中国面临着二元化经济结构和统账结合制度特征的现实国情,由此决定了社保制度扩大覆盖面工作的长期性和艰巨性.中国国情的特殊性是任何发达国家和中东欧转型国家都不具有的,这就要求社保制度要不断进行自我完善,适应社会经济既定条件,以完成十六届六中全会提出的到2020年基本建立覆盖城乡社保制度的目标,否则,就难以实现这个目标,或即使实现了也是一个碎片化的社保制度,而不利于构建和谐社会.指出:中国选择征缴模式的替代方案应以分征模式为最优,代征模式不利于实现2020年的目标,目前存在的"双重征缴"体制不利于实现这个目标,并提出了征缴体制转型的"两步走"的改革设想.     

社会保障体系的巨灾风险补偿功能分析——美国9．11五周年的启示

五年前,在9.11恐怖袭击事件中,美国社会保障制度在巨灾补偿中发挥了一定的作用.其中有很多经验,例如,国家对巨灾损失的补偿是通过国家计划、保险公司和慈善事业这个"三条腿机制"发挥作用的,并通过立法建立了一个临时机构:"9.11遇难者补偿基金",令其根据普通法的原则,赋予全权,统一运作全国的补偿工作;也有一些教训,例如,社会安全号信息管理不善和被盗用,从而酿成飞机劫持者拥有合法的手续等.我国要建立起社保制度突发事件巨灾风险补偿的"三条腿机制"还有很长的路要走,例如,基本社保制度的工伤保险中存在着诸多问题,保险业还需进一步改革完善,慈善事业的机制缺位等;对尽快建立一个混合型的"国家巨灾补偿机制"提出了一些不成熟的改革思路和采取公共委托与购买的方式进行损失补偿的设想.