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董卿,中央电视台节目主持人,先后在浙江电视台、上海东方电视台主持节目。2002年5月,董卿走进中央电视台,主持《欢乐中国行》、《魅力中国》、《春节联欢晚会》,在2005年度国际电视主持人论坛暨年度颁奖盛典中一连捧得最佳电视综艺节目主持人及最佳电视女主持人两项大奖,是中央电视台最优秀的节目主持人之一。 相似文献
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简介:从曾经的优客李林,到之后的至情至炫,以及不久前的《one take》专辑的录制,林志炫一直走在追求音乐的路上。2013年2月,林志炫空降湖南卫视《我是歌手》真人秀第五期,以一首《没离开过》破阵夺得当期冠军,人气再次爆棚。2013年4月12日,林志炫和萧敬腾合唱《Easy lover》,以及一首《浮夸》,夺得《我是歌手》总决赛第二名。 相似文献
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根据世界自然基金会2006年11月公布的报告,古巴是目前世界上唯一实现可持续发展的国家。其原因在于,与拉美地区其他国家的教训不同,古巴早在半个世纪前就开始积极规划可持续发展的法制体系、研发体系和教育体系,率先将可持续发展理念写入宪法,并积极致力于国际可持续发展事业。作为加勒比岛国,古巴在可持续发展方面的忧患意识和超前思维,使其在某种程度上规避了累积性和共时性矛盾给后发国家带来的潜在风险。古巴在有限的生存条件下,坚持可持续发展的经验,为包括中国在内的发展中国家进一步探索多元化的和谐发展之路提供了有益的启示。 相似文献
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当前武装组织治理制度建设成为内战研究的重点。武装组织治理制度是武装组织对其控制区域和民众管理的相应制度与规则体系。以反叛成功为分析对象,通过系统评估武装组织治理制度建设对其内战中获得冲突优势的影响,可以看到,武装组织的反叛成功并不直接由武装组织治理制度决定,而是取决于武装组织治理制度在内部与外部产生的效果。在内部维度,武装组织治理制度需要取得良好的相对治理绩效;在外部维度,武装组织治理制度需要一个有利的国际战略环境并可对其进行塑造。而武装组织治理制度并不能确保相应效果的实现。通过混合研究的模式对以上观点进行检验:在定量研究方面,通过两个不同层次的数据库对于武装组织治理制度与反叛成功的关系进行检验,发现武装组织治理制度与反叛成功之间无直接的联系;在案例比较研究方面,通过两个具体武装组织的实践案例(阿富汗塔利班和"伊斯兰国"组织)进行分析,可以发现武装组织治理制度与反叛成功之间的关系并不确定,因此并不存在简单的正向促进关系。 相似文献
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John Wade 《Negotiation Journal》2009,25(2):171-179
This article describes three types of negotiation courses and asks what range of goals is usually achieved in such courses from the overlapping perspectives of organizers, teachers, and participants. It then translates Benjamin Bloom's categories of educational goals into aspirational goals for any negotiation course. 相似文献
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2008北京奥运的完美落幕进一步突出了中国改革开放以来的发展成就,标志着中国的国力、国势、国运进入新的上升轨道,中国与世界的关系再度成为国际热点话题。中国的发展、崛起将引起国际格局、国际体系发生什么样的变化?在变化中的世界,尤其是在中国发展本身就构成国际变局重要组成部分、国际上"中国威胁论"及"中国责任论"等此起彼伏的情况下,中国又面临着什么样的新任务、需要确立怎样的国家大战略、做出何种新的战略选择?要不要居安思危,继续坚持韬光养晦?对这些问题,不仅精英层在严肃思考,普通民众也极为关切。鉴此,《现代国际关系》杂志社2008年8月31日以"‘奥运后时代’中国与世界的关系"为题举办研讨会,邀请京津两地20多位相关领域专家、学者就上述问题展开深入讨论。现将会议主要观点辑录如下,以飨读者。 相似文献
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Sonja Grimm 《Democratization》2013,20(3):525-549
In post-war societies external actors promote democracy within a broad framework of state- and nation-building, rule-of-law building, and economic development. But not all democracy promotion efforts succeed in an equal way. A closer look at cases of intervention and democratization since 1945 helps us to account for this variation. Cases of democratization can be differentiated according to their level of post-war socio-economic development, the level of social trust versus the level of inner-societal violence, the character of remaining stateness, the potential erosion of the nation, and the terms of peace. In order to explain the democratization successes of the post-World War II period on the one hand, and the apparent democratization failures of the 1990s and after 11 September 2001 on the other, the strategies external actors use in post-war transformation must be considered. Sometimes, external actors differ significantly in their ability and willingness to deal with the five issues mentioned above. Given differences in both structural conditions and actor engagement, external actors should be more careful when using some of the early democratization cases as blueprints for democracy promotion today. 相似文献
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新时期的中非关系在中非合作论坛机制的推进下健康发展,也面临诸多挑战,别是来自西方大国的挑战.西方大国在诬指中国对非搞新殖民主义的同时,紧对非战略调整.正视竞争、立足共赢、理性应对西方的挑战成为新时期中国对非战略的重要任务. 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):117-136
In this article, we consider the puzzle of whether unilateral or multilateral sanctions are more likely to be successful in changing a targeted state's behavior. Policymakers maintain that multilateral sanctioning efforts will be more likely to succeed, while the majority of empirical academic research suggests otherwise. We present an argument, based on multidimensional spatial models, to explain why multilateral sanctions may not be more effective than unilateral sanctions. We present the basic model and show that they can explain why, in general, multilateral sanctions fail more often than do unilateral sanctions. We also show that the model leads to additional, testable hypotheses. We conduct a simple empirical test of the major hypothesis produced by the spatial application and show that it is consistent with the historical record. 相似文献
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Wade Jacoby Gabriel Lataianu Camelia Manuela Lataianu 《The Review of International Organizations》2009,4(2):111-133
This paper analyzes the influence of the European Union (EU) through a qualitative case study of child protection policy in
Romania. This is a particularly tough case for the growing “Europeanization” literature. Prior research has called attention
to several factors that promote Europeanization, including the presence of a pro-reform domestic coalition, the clarity and
consistency of the EU’s own legislative targets, a state’s own prior involvement in the setting of European standards, a strong
consensus among EU member states backing the European position, and strong non-European support for EU initiatives. According
to these propositions, Romanian child protection seemed to provide a worst case scenario for Europeanization, as initially
none of these conditions held. And yet the paper shows that substantial Europeanization occurred anyway. We argue that the
EU experienced a very slow start with Romania but that it cultivated an opposition that responded to EU initiatives when that
opposition took power. Moreover, the EU found three “workarounds” to the obstacles just noted: it asserted legislative targets
it did not possess itself, invented new policy tools, and drew protection for its most controversial policy from another international
organization, the ECHR. Our central theoretical claim is that external pressure requires internal accommodation in order to
have lasting effects. The claim has important implications for the diffusion and conditionality debates.
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Camelia Manuela LataianuEmail: |
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2008年11月5日,美国迎来历史性时刻——民主党候选人贝拉克·奥巴马击败共和党候选人麦凯恩,当选为首位美国黑人总统。奥巴马胜出既有自身原因,更是美国两党政治搏弈的结果,这将对美国政治生活带来巨大而深远的影响。 相似文献