首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
2.
For more than a decade, senior officials from across Canada's public sector have identified the capacity to “recruit and retain highly‐trained, qualified staff” as central to public service renewal and success in the 21st century. And yet, despite the consensus behind this priority, students of Canadian public administration know little about the strategies and programs that are in place to attract, recruit, retain and transition key public servants in this country. This article tries to address this gap by describing talent management, one approach to getting “the right people in the right place at the right time” currently in use in British Columbia, Canada, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, Ontario and Saskatchewan. The article concludes with some observations about the present and future of talent management in Canada's public sector.  相似文献   

3.
2008年以来,四川公安先后经历了抗击"5.12"特大地震灾害和支援青海玉树抗震救灾的严峻考验。面对特大灾难,公安政治工作大胆解放思想,超常规加速拓展传统公安政治工作的方式、方法和手段,为卓有成效地应对一系列重大特殊事件提供了强有力的思想保障、组织保障、素质保障、机制保障和舆论保障。经验主要是:1.打破思维定势,科学定位公安政治工作应急机制;2.尊重抗震救灾实践,科学架构公安政治工作应急机制;3.服务实战需要,科学实施公安政治工作的"平战转换"。  相似文献   

4.
5.
6.
Abstract: This article examines federal legislation, An Act to Amend the Canada Pension Plan and the Old Age Security Act (Bill C-36), from the vantage point of the contemporary politics of welfare state reform. Government decisions on the Canadian Pension Plan (CPP) and Old Age Security (OAS) made in the 1990s noticeably generated political and administrative feedback to the policy agenda and policy development processes. Bill C-36 was the response by policy-makers to solve these issues and use the occasion to make other changes they had been contemplating. The legislative reforms contained the imposition of specific losses for one group; the introduction of benefits for another group, both geographically diffuse clienteles; and, for all covered by these programs, modest improvements in service provision. Inside the federal public service, officials responsible for the CPP Disability program acted effectively as policy entrepreneurs, making use of a window of opportunity, and the necessity of amending the legislation, prompted by the focusing event of a critical audit report.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract. Canada's plurality vote system has been criticized recently for contributing to the regional and linguistic imbalance of the parties in Parliament. While many of the criticisms are undoubtedly correct, some of the promises held out on behalf of a reformed electoral system are open to question. Before Canada seriously considers abandoning its present electoral system, the assumptions made about alternative systems and the arguments presented on their behalf deserve closer scrutiny than they have so far received. By reflecting on the nature of political change and the representative process in Canada this paper comments critically on the adequacy of some of the claims put forward by the reformers. These claims relate specifically to increased party ‘credibility’ and ‘sensitivity’ under a different electoral system. The paper suggests that some of the claims made on behalf of a reformed system are doubtful, that representation in the sense of acting for others could be more a feature of the current system than of any reformed one, and that further research is needed before any final decision is made to alter the present electoral system. Sommaire. On a critiqueé récemment le système électoral pluraliste du Canada, l'accusant de contribuer au déséquilibre régional et linguistique des partis au Parlement. Beaucoup de ces critiques sont certainement justifyées mais certaines promesses faites dans le cadre d'une reiorme du systeme electoral sont discu-tables. Avant que le Canada n'envisage 1'abandon de son systeme electoral actuel, il faut regarder de plus près qu'on ne l'a fait jusqu'ici les suppositions concernant des systemes de rechange et les arguments presented en leur faveur. En reiléchissant sur la nature du changement politique et sur le processus de la representation en cause, l'auteur fait une critique du bien-fonde de certaines des pretentions avancées par certains reformateurs. Ces critiques portent, plus précisément, sur la ← credibility → et la ← sensibility → d'un systeme electoral different. L'article suggere que certaines des pretentions d'un systeme reiorm6 sont contestables, que la representation dans le sens d'action pour le compte d'autrui est peut-etre beaucoup plus une caracteristique du systeme actuel que de n'importe quel systeme reform^ et que des recherches plus approfondies s'imposent avant que soit prise la decision de modifier le systeme electoral actuel. I wish to thank Duff Spafford of the University of Saskatchewan and Paul McKee, Research Fellow, Nuffield College, Oxford, for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper; the Warden and Fellows of Nuffield College for the hospitality and assistance accorded me during my sabbatical leave; and the SSHRCC for its assistance through a Leave Fellowship, 1979-80. The case for an altered Canadian electoral system must be examined a good deal more critically than it has been to date. This essay attempts to contribute to that process by examining a few of the claims made recently on behalf of a reformed electoral system and by commenting on those claims in the light of Canadian political experience. The paper is not intended to make a virtue of the present system but it does raise questions about the liklihood of a reformed system living up to its advance bil-ling. How is the problem defined? What are some of the benefits claimed on behalf of a reformed system? What are the notions of representation underlying the arguments? If answers could be suggested to such questions as these, they may give cause to reflect on the general case being made in support of an altered system and on the appropriateness of abandoning or altering the present system without further study. Although the recent literature on electoral reform in Canada has been sizable, its quality has been uneven. Between the two notable contributions of the last decade (the Cairns-Lovink debate of 1968-70 and the Irvine monograph of 1979) a number of government reports, chapters in books, and newspaper articles were published. If some of the arguments and assertions of this admittedly mixed group remain unchallenged they may in the long run prove seductive to an unsuspecting public, academic as well as general, looking for much more to come from a reformed system than it can possibly deliver. Certainly it has not yet been established in the literature that the electoral system warrants such critical analysis in isolation from or, indeed, at the expense of other representational concerns which in themselves may be more crucial to the healthy operation of the Canadian polity than a reformed electoral system.  相似文献   

8.
9.
Abstract: Based on interviews with senior civil federal civil servants in Ottawa, perceptions of various actors' influence on public policy are examined. It is hypothesized that perceived influence patterns will change as one moves across the major phases of the policy process. Although it is expected that actors within the state will be of primary importance throughout the process, it is also expected that the relative importance of actors outside the state will increase as one moves from forming a policy agenda and selecting policy towards policy implementation. This should be particularly true of the perceived influence of private companies. Despite this change in perceived levels of influence of state versus non-state actors, the structure of correlation patterns for perceived influence patterns will probably not change dramatically from one policy process phase to the next. Results are also presented pertaining to the actual interaction patterns of the civil servants who were interviewed, as well as the relation between interaction and perceived influence. It is expected that there will be positive relations between these two types of variables but that direct interaction will not consistently explain the majority of variation in perceived influence variables. Sommaire: À la suite d'entrevues avec des hauts fonctionnaires fédéraux à Ottawa, on examine ici les perceptions quant à l'influence de divers intervenants sur les politiques gouvernementales. On prend pour hypothèse que ces perceptions évolueront à mesure que l'on avance d'une grande étape à l'autre dans le processus de définition des politiques. On s'attend à ce que les intervenants étatiques jouent un rôle primordial tout au long du processus, mais aussi à ce que le rôle relatif des intervenants extérieurs au gouvernement prenne de l'ampleur lorsqu'on passe de l'établissement d'une liste de politiques au choix des politiques elles-mêmes et, en?fin, à la mise en oeuvre de ces politiques. Ceci devrait s'appliquer tout particulièrement à la manière dont on perçoit l'influence des sociétés privées. Malgré ce changement du niveau d'influence perçu entre les intervenants gouvernementaux et les nongouvernementaux, la structure corrélative des influences perçues ne changera probablement pas de façon dramatique d'une étape à l'autre du processus d'élaboration des politiques. On présente également des résultats concernant l'interaction effective des fonctionnaires interviewés, ainsi que le rapport entre cette interaction et l'influence perçue. On prévoit des rapports positifs entre ces deux groupes de variables, mais aussi que l'interaction directe ne saurait expliquer de manière cohérente la plupart des variations dans les variables de l'influence perçue.  相似文献   

10.
社会保障法是调整社会保障关系的法律规范的总称,没有健全的社会保障法律体系,就不可能有健全、完善的社会保障制度。社会保障法律体系是全部社会保障法律规范按照不同的具体保障项目分类组合而形成的一个系统化的有机联系的整体。我国社会保障法体系建设起步较晚,目前仍然处于探讨和逐渐完善阶段。由于所处的理论视角不同,人们构筑社会保障法体系的观点也各不相同。  相似文献   

11.
The Canadian Health System . By lee sodekstrom . Toronto: Macmillan of Canada. 1978. Pp. 271. $19.95 (cloth); $9.95 (paper). Health Insurance and Canadian Public Policy . By malcolm g. taylor . Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. 1978. Pp. 473. $18.95 (cloth) $7.95 (paper). The Health Care Business . By ake blomqvist . Vancouver: The Fraser Institute. 1979. Pp. 185. $5.95 (paper).  相似文献   

12.
Abstract: Since the early 1960s, the only pan‐Canadian association of municipalities has shown two decades of decline followed by two decades of growth. This paper analyses this decline and subsequent growth in the context of the changing position of municipalities with Canada, particularly those in Quebec. Examination of the association's recent history provides useful insights into how Canada's municipalities cope with Canadian federalism. It provides lessons as to how best to prosper as a pan‐Canadian organization concerned with what are mainly matters of provincial interest. The paper's theoretical contribution includes reference to the nature and roles of interest groups in Canadian federalism and to the application of structural contingency theory. Sommaire: Depuis le début des annees 1960, l'unique association pancanadienne de municipalités a connu deux décennies de déclin suivies par deux décennies de crois‐sance. Le présent article analyse ce déclin et cette croissance dans le contexte de la position changeante des municipalites à l'égard du Canada, en particulier celles du Québec. L'examen de la récente histoire dee l'association suscite des réflexions utiles sur la maniére dont les municipalités au Canada font face au fédéralisme canadien. II explique comment un organisme pancanadien principalement préoccupé par des questions d'intérséCt provincial pour prospérer le mieux possible. La contribution théorique de l'article fait référence à la nature et aux rôles des groupes d'intéráCts dans le fédéralisme canadien et à l'application de la théorie de contingence structurale.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract: This study examines the application of norms of responsible government in Indian governments. We discuss Indian Act bands and the ten bands under separate self-government legislation. In addition, the study looks closely at ten self-government proposals involving forty-seven communities that were under negotiation as of April 1991. We measure these twenty cases through a matrix of principles of accountability by governmental fields. These include enacting laws, leadership selection, lands and resources management, financial management, and band membership. The study argues that Canada's Indians do not need to take any lessons from non-Indians on the importance of the accountability of leaders. In many aspects Indian norms of accountability, particularly those in a self-government setting, are more direct and potentially richer in practice than those typically enjoyed by most non-Indian Canadian citizens. The study concludes that the practice of responsible government by Indians deserves its rightful place within the mainstream of the study of public administration in Canada. Sommaire: Cette étude se penche sur l'application aux gouvernements indiens des normes définissant un gouvernement responsable. Elle discute des bandes qui relèvant de la Loi sur les Indiens et des dix bandes qui sont sous le coup de mesures législatives distinctes d'auto-gouvernement. De plus, elle examine de près dix propositions gouvernementales mettant enjeu 47 collectivités et qui en étaient au stade des négociations en avril 1991. Nous évaluons ces 20 cas grâce à une matrice de principes d'obligation redditionnelle par secteurs gouvernementaux, tels que l'adoption des lois, la sélection des leaders, la gestion des terres, des ressources et des fonds, et l'appartenance aux bandes. L'étude soutient que les Canadiens non-indiens n'ont pas de leçons à donner aux Indiens du Canada sur l'importance de la responsabilisation des leaders. À bien des égards, les normes d'obligation redditionnelle des Indiens -surtout dans un contexte d'auto-gouvernement - sont plus directes et potentiellement plus riches sur le plan pratique que celles en vigueur parmi la plupart des citoyens canadiens non-indiens. L'étude conclut que les Indiens ont pleinement droit à un auto-gouvernement capable  相似文献   

14.
Through its audits and recommendations, Canada's Office of the Auditor General (OAG) has promoted financial probity and good governance for over a century. While OAG recommendations may have inherent value, their full value is realized only when implemented by government. By investigating implementation rates and the OAG's interaction with Parliament, this paper evaluates whether OAG performance and interactions with Parliament have changed over time.  相似文献   

15.
丁泽英  姜山 《工会论坛》2003,9(6):13-14
我国社会保障制度改革取得了一定成果,但也反映出存在的一些问题新旧体制的衔接问题;社会保障体系中各个子系统的协调问题;积极的保险政策的导向与设计问题等等.必须以十六大精神为指导,以创新与发展的思路进一步完善我国的社会保障制度.  相似文献   

16.
社会保障对国家的社会安定和经济发展起着重要作用,农村的社会保障是国家整个社会保障体系中不可忽视的一 部分。目前,我国农村绝大部分地区要建立完善的社会保障制度还存在很多问题。完善农村社会保障制度可试行农民退休金制度、 农村医疗保险制度、农村贫困户最低生活保障救助制度等。  相似文献   

17.
建设长效机制,是公安工作和公安队伍建设工作发展到一定历史阶段的必然结果,是中国现代公安工作、公安管理上档次的必然要求。长效机制建设涉及的方面很多,要突出改革警务运行机制和建立考评激励机制这两个重点。  相似文献   

18.
绩效评估已经成为公安机关加强内部管理,提高工作效率的有效手段而被广泛应用。由于缺乏理论研究和实践经验,以及公安工作本身的复杂性使得公安绩效评估工作在实践中暴露出许多不足。构建公安绩效评估法律制度成为完善我国公安绩效评估活动的客观需要。  相似文献   

19.
Abstract. The representativeness of the Canadian federal public service is an important matter because of the relation of francophone representation to the central issue of national unity and because of recent demands for the increased representation of women and native people. The major arguments presented in this paper are: 1/that despite the logical and empirical deficiencies of the theory of representative bureacracy, official government policy on a representative public service is based on the central assumption of the theory, and 2/that government efforts to achieve a more representative public service serve significant symbolic and partisan political purposes. The first section of the paper reviews the arguments for and against representative bureaucracy and the Canadian literature on the subject. The second section describes government policy on a representative public service with particular reference to francophones, women and native people. The final section assesses the implications of representative bureaucracy for the Canadian political system and includes an examination of the relation between representative bureaucracy and administrative responsibility and between active and passive representativeness.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract. Provincial social welfare programs are often treated as provincial government responses to federal initiatives establishing shared-cost programs in the welfare field. In this paper, this traditional viewpoint is reversed, showing that the federal government's Canada Assistance Plan of 1966 was the result of provincial social welfare initiatives. Federal policy is shown to have been designed to accommodate as cost-sharable those programs in which provinces (particularly Alberta and Ontario) were already involved. The federal government had to make considerable additions to, and concessions concerning, the proposed program in order to retain provincial support for the new national welfare program.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号