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1.
Indian nationalist leaders developed a strong interest in Asia right from the early nineteenth century. Jawarharlal Nehru articulated an Asianist ideology based on the cultural affinities between India and China and the geopolitical interest in Greater India. This approach, which culminated in the Bandung summit, was put into parenthesis after the 1962 war. The Cold War, during which India and South East Asia were in different camps, prompted differing paths towards in emulating the economic progress of Japan, Taiwan and South Korea, and different approaches towards the development of the ASEAN. India's Asianist policy met an uneven fate but, by and large, there has been a significant rapprochement between India and East Asia. This move materialized in the investments of several Asian countries – including South Korea – in India and the entry of India in the ARF. Yet the symbiosis between India and Southeast Asia remains hindered by the rather nationalistic view of the latter region that the Hindutva movement is still propagating: like in the colonial period, Asianism remains part of an instrumentalist strategy.  相似文献   

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This article aims to explore the relationship between domestic economic and political conditions and the performance of 14 regional organizations over a range of security provisions. It argues that the willingness of member states to increase the range of security provisions of a regional organization is influenced by the combination of high levels of economic and political development and low levels of dispersion among the members of a regional organization. In order to evaluate this assumption, two aspects of regional organizations are explored. The first is to examine the development of security governance provisions of 14 regional organizations as well as the levels of empowerment or autonomy of those organizations. The second is to analyze how six economic and political variables influence the range of security provisions and the degree of empowerment of regional organizations. The final part of the article examines how regional organizations play a significant role in stimulating and reproducing regional governance orders.  相似文献   

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本文主要探讨非正规就业对印度农民城市化及城市发展的影响,指出城市化进程中非正规就业不可避免,合理扶持和规制非正规就业对城市化具有重要理论和现实意义。  相似文献   

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This article discusses the concepts of proportionality, necessity and balancing in the World Trade Organization (WTO) legal framework. These concepts are increasingly important in the context of services and establishment regulated by the General Agreement on Trade in Services. The role and meaning of proportionality, necessity and balancing are not clear. The emerging WTO case law is analysed in this article, which adopts a comparative approach, drawing upon proportionality and balancing tests in different national and international legal orders. It discusses how these tests could influence the interpretation and application of WTO law. A main argument is that trade-offs among competing norms and values are unavoidable in WTO dispute settlement, and that the proportionality analysis could contribute to making this process more transparent, rational and predictable.  相似文献   

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We compare public perceptions of biobanks in China and in Europe, reporting similarities and differences in how publics in Europe and China view key issues in the realm of biobank research. Despite many differences in perception, the similarity in the perception of biobanks in China and in Europe is striking. Our research finds that Chinese with lower education levels are less concerned about privacy, while those with higher education levels have preferences in privacy protection that are similar to those in Europe. Transnational research is perceived positively in both regions, but specific historical experiences shape how people approach these issues. While Chinese publics focus on certain effects of international research on the Chinese state, Europeans are mainly concerned about data security and impacts on research. The study is based on 66 focus groups conducted in China (6) and Europe (60), with approximately 700 participants.  相似文献   

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本文梳理了印度国际组织外交的演变过程,概述了印度在联合国维和、裁军、环境和人权合作等方面的表现以及在联合国改革问题上的立场,分析了印度与主要地区性国际组织的关系,探讨了印度国际组织外交的优势和局限。  相似文献   

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China, Japan, and Korea have begun to engage one another vigorously since the 1997 crisis. As intraregional economic ties have further deepened and broadened, interconnectedness in cultural and political aspects has risen rapidly in a variety of forms. Decision-makers and intellectuals in China, Japan, and Korea have been floating ideas and interests for establishing various types of Northeast Asian community formation. New security dialogues and co-operation frameworks also emerge. Accordingly, the rapidly growing Northeast Asia is likely to emerge as an identifiable regional community. With the incipient emergence of regional community in Northeast Asia, Northeast Asian region-building becomes a salient issue of major academic and policy debates. Yet, in spite of the recent mushrooming of research in and attention to the region-building, the questions regarding within what surrounding and under what situation regional community can be built, as well as what motivates people to choose region-building, and when and how state system can be transformed into a regional community remains only partly resolved. In order to solve this puzzle, this paper will compare the current Northeast Asian region-building with the early stage of European region-building, arguing that while there are important differences in evolution, format, and kind of region-building in Europe and Northeast Asia, critical juncture is influential in region-building.  相似文献   

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This article examines the factors that facilitate or impede the strengthening of popular participation in local democracy in Latin America through a comparative analysis of the Chilean and Brazilian cases. This comparative analysis illustrates the importance of structural reforms, the institutional configuration of local government and the role of political parties vis-à-vis civil society in either enhancing or impeding popular participation in local democracy. In short, it argues that popular participation will be strong and effective where structural reforms expand the resource base and policymaking authority of local leaders, local institutions strengthen accountability and facilitate citizen input in decision-making, and political parties attempt to organize and mobilize groups and constituents at the grass-roots. Where these conditions do not hold, the reverse will be true. These conclusions are drawn from analysis of the development of popular participation and local democracy in Porto Alegre, Brazil (a positive example) and Santiago, Chile (a negative example).  相似文献   

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能源供应与经济发展这一矛盾已成为世界各国共同关注的难题。为了应对经济增长所面临的能源短缺危机,印度开始全面实施新能源战略,一方面对内大力发展新能源,另一方面在全球范围内实施能源外交与合作,效果显著,因此,针对印度能源战略的分析有利于为我国建立完善能源战略提供参考依据和借鉴。  相似文献   

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Africa's proliferation of dominant-party regimes is often regarded as an obstacle to democratization. Scholars and practitioners therefore face the task of understanding how and why constitutionally legitimate challenges to dominant party rule occur. This article asks: why do some presidential succession crises act as a catalyst to dominant party fragmentation when others do not? It argues that minority factions are more likely to defect from a dominant party when they have (1) been marginalized by the majority faction and (2) confidence in their mobilizational capacity. Factional purging is in turn traced to autocratic leadership and party under-bureaucratization, whilst high levels of factional self-confidence are linked to crises of dominance and the weakness of extant opposition parties.  相似文献   

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India has long maintained a cautious stance on the South China Sea issue.As the regional situation has shifted,government statements began showing stronger support of claims from Vietnam and the Philippines and New Delhi began taking a series of practical moves to get involved in the dispute.Compared with the active and committed involvement of the US and Japan on this issue,India's position has not been stable.India and Vietnam have cooperated closely in the security arena in disputed waters,despite strong protest from China.  相似文献   

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中国视角中的印度与东盟关系   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
20世纪80年代末90年代初,随着冷战的结束和全球区域经济一体化浪潮的兴起,印度重新意识到东盟对其在政治、经济和外交上的重要性,及时提出“东向政策”。印度调整东盟政策,提升与东南亚的战略关系,是印度实施全方位外交、推行大国战略的重要组成部分,无疑将给东亚区域合作及中国东盟关系的未来发展带来重大影响。中国应适时调整与东盟、印度的关系,增强中印两国在东南亚的共同利益与合作愿景,推动中、印、东盟三边关系向更高层次发展。  相似文献   

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独立后,为了把印度建设成为现代化工业强国和有声有色的世界大国,印度政府重视科技特别是高科技发展,从而使印度在各高科技领域获得举世瞩目的进展。高科技已经对印度经济增长、印度产业结构、印度地区经济和印度对外经济等产生了十分重要的影响,并且仍将对未来印度经济发展产生深远的影响。  相似文献   

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印度能源外交与中印合作   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
印度是全球主要的能源消费方和进口方,确保能源安全已成为其内外政策的重点。印度推行能源多元化战略,加大了在全球的能源竞争力度。而中印面临相似的能源安全问题。中印能源供应源逐渐交织,双方竞争态势增强。因此如何处理好与印度在全球的能源竞争与合作关系已成为中国能源安全战略的关键点之一。  相似文献   

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自20世纪90年代以来,在印度国民经济发展战略及其生产力要素增长机制、运行原则的作用与影响下,逐渐形成了一种以此实现印度国民财富增长(即产出增加)的相对特殊范式或途径的印度经济增长模式。因而,分析印度经济增长的基本运行态势、印度经济增长动力源泉或各种要素的特殊组合方式以及印度经济增长的特殊类型或模式,寻求印度经济增长的一般路径,揭示其内在的、本质的、必然的规律性,并以此反映印度经济增长基础之上的经济发展模式属性,为近邻中国的经济增长与发展提供经验启迪等具有十分重要的理论与现实意义。  相似文献   

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