Policing,good-enough governance and development: the evidence from Mogadishu

Prompted by Grindle's identification of a next-steps approach to governance, this article uses the experience of Mogadishu's police force to consider the minimal conditions of governance required to address development-related challenges. At one level, the introduction of development-oriented governance is obstructed by the inability of international actors to influence local power brokers or mitigate the distrust and insecurity affecting daily life in a city such as Mogadishu. More fundamentally, the capacity of an approach predicated on contextually-based analytics is limited by its advocates' understanding governance and development in technical terms aligned to liberal goals, rather than as entrepreneurial opportunities reliant on negotiation and trust-based relationships. In practice, minimal governance has more to do with the stability needed for people to go about their everyday business in relative safety than with democracy or poverty reduction. For such reasons, the new diagnostics is a refinement of existing approaches, rather than a significant analytical advance.     

Facilitating Between Gang Members and Police

Confrontations between youths and the police are increasingly frequent in the United States as police lead the effort to reduce youth gangs, crime, and violence. As a result, police-youth relations are characterized by hostility, mistrust, misunderstandings and stereotypes. This article outlines a ten-stage dialogue process to improve relations between police and gang-related youths in a suburb near Washington, D.C. In addition to describing techniques used in this case, the authors offer advice on how such efforts could be improved.     

中国与东盟警务合作现状与前景

冷战结束后,包括毒品走私、非法移民、洗黑钱、恐怖主义活动等在内的跨国犯罪活动是中国与东盟共同面临的严峻问题。如何有效解决这类问题,仅靠一国的力量往往不够,必须加     

Civilians Versus Police: Mediation Can Help to Bridge the Divide

The increasing frequency of notorious cases of conflicts between police officers and members of the general public (which in New York City has led to incidents of death, battery, and sexual assault) is cause for alarm. At the root of many police-community conflicts are an incomplete understanding of the work of the police, poor communication on the part of the police and the public, or simple misunderstanding. A number of communities, including New York City, are turning to mediation to provide a forum for the potential resolution of complaints made against police by citizens. After a brief survey of the work of such programs nationally, the author focuses on three New York cases in which she served as a mediator, using them to illustrate the pitfalls and special rewards of mediating in this context. The author believes that the mediation process itself can work in a transformative way, improving strained relations between police and the general population.     

Designing Police: Interpol and the Study of Change in International Organizations

On those rare occasions when scholars of international organizations (IOs) consider the issue of change, they typically highlight the centrality of states. Although states are important for understanding when and why there is a change in the tasks, mandate, and design of IO, IOs themselves can initiate change. Drawing from sociological institutional and resource dependence approaches, in this article we treat IOs as strategic actors that can choose among a set of strategies in order to pursue their goals in response to changing environmental pressures and constraints that potentially threaten their relevance and resource base. We delineate six strategies—acquiescence, compromise, avoidance, defiance, manipulation, and strategic social construction, and suggest that the strategic choice by IOs is contingent on the level of both organizational insecurity and the congruence between the content of environmental pressures and organizational culture. We emphasize how IOs must make a trade-off between acquiring the resources necessary to survive and be secure, on the one hand, and maintaining autonomy, on the other. We apply this framework to the case of Interpol, investigating how different calculations of these trade-offs led Interpol staff to adopt different strategies depending on its willingness to accept, resist, or initiate changes that demand conformity to external pressures.     

Police demilitarisation: cops,soldiers and democracy

Arthur Costa is a PhD candidate at the University of Brasilia, Brazil. His forthcoming book is entitled Transição e Tutela: Militares e Políticos na Nova República. Mateus Medeiros was Co-ordinator of the Office for Human Rights of the City of Belo Horizonte and a lecturer in legal philosophy at the Federal University of Ouro Preto, Brazil. He is now a legislative analyst at the Human Rights Commission, Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.¹     

U.S. Aid for Foreign Justice and Police

The fundamental objective of the United States in its efforts to reform justice systems abroad has been to develop effective institutions of criminal justice that can support transitions to democratic government. Unfortunately, the United States has not been doing this as well as it might, Iraq being the most dramatic case. These efforts lack coherent Congressional oversight and strategic vision, neglect improving the normative quality of local justice systems and developing the capacity to manage by results, and subordinate local reform to the security needs of foreign countries. To remedy these shortcomings, the United States needs to develop and coordinate justice assistance programs that are context specific, recruit and deploy justice specialists from all sectors and levels of the American justice system, incorporate a developmental perspective in justice assistance programs, and formulate programs that are based on proven “best practices.”     

冲突后国家警察改革与民众安全治理 ——以联合国维和行动为视角

武装冲突刚刚结束后的国家容易出现安全缺口,普通民众依然面临着诸多安全威胁,主要有前战斗人员和缺乏管控的武器、不断上升的犯罪率、与选举相关的暴力及针对妇女儿童的犯罪等。此时,国家尚缺乏有效的国内治安治理机制和能力,警察机构亟须改革乃至重建。当今联合国维和行动越来越注重协助冲突后国家警察部门的改革与能力建设。改革应力求标本兼治,既缓解冲突后民众安全需求的燃眉之急,又注重警察部门中、长期的机构建设和发展。改革应以民众的安全为首要目标,重点是警察民主警务观念及技能的培养、组织架构及管理机制的建立,尤其是内部监督机制的建立与有效执行。此外,还应注意本土化问题。改革在实施过程中存在诸多挑战,如当地警力资源的匮乏、警察的公共形象差、民众的弱势地位、国际援助部门之间缺乏协调等。该文亦对增强冲突后国家警察队伍能力建设及民众保护问题提出了若干建议。     

软实力视角下的中国与东盟警务合作

冷战结束以来,国际性犯罪形势愈加严重,并呈现组织化、职业化和国际化的趋势,靠一国之力难以解决,加强国际警务合作,控制和预防各种犯罪就成为国际社会的共同需要。中国和东盟也面临毒品走私、非法移民、洗黑钱、恐怖主义活动等跨国犯罪的严峻挑战,中国与东盟在打击这些犯罪活动方面开展了有效的警务合作,但中国与东盟警务合作也面临主权、域外势力干涉、合作形式单一等诸多问题。本文主要以软实力为视角,就如何克服障碍,加强中国与东盟警务合作提出了相关思考。     

Police,policy and politics in Brussels: scenarios for the shift from sovereignty to solidarity

This article analyses the evolution of European Union (EU) police cooperation on the basis of structural processes in the form of agencification, regulation and standardization, as well as substantive processes in the form of information-sharing and multi-disciplinary cooperation. The Lisbon Treaty holds some key conditions for further integration. The level of integration of police cooperation in the EU is measured by analysing institutional power, the regulatory framework and transnational professionalism. Despite a positive score on each of these levels, member states remain caught between national sovereignty and solidarity. As a consequence, they face an implementation gap and have not embedded European police cooperation in their domestic systems. Building on the pro-integrative moves that have been introduced by virtue of the Lisbon Treaty, improved governance and deeper integration can be achieved by means of more active parliamentary involvement, independent police oversight (both at European and at the national level), the mainstreaming of cooperation mechanisms and a systematic Europe-wide cultivation of police professionalism. Within the realm of internal security cooperation in the EU, a concerted effort is required which demands close consultation between relevant institutional actors and the professional actors in the member states.     

非传统安全视野下中国与东盟警务合作机制研究

一、中国与东盟各国所面临的非传统安全挑战 近年来，中国积极与东盟各国加强对外合作关系建设。通过“10＋1”与“10＋3”会议机制以及东盟地区论坛等形式，中国与东盟各国在政治、经济、文化等多个领域的交流与合作得到了进一步的加强与发展。但是，中国与东盟同样也共同面临着非传统安全的严峻挑战。     

在俄华人华侨华企的安全保护与中俄警务合作

近年来,在俄罗斯,针对华人华侨华企的违法犯罪案件频发,形势严峻,其背后的原因也较为复杂。要解决这一问题,就需要发挥国家安全保护的责任,加强中俄双边警务安全保障合作;把教育引导国民建立海外安全防范意识和技能作为长久大业来抓;加强政府的引导和资源共享,为一带一路的建设营造安全空间;将高层的互信惠及中低层,从高级警务向中低级警务发展。相比之下,在俄罗斯的安全保障措施,往往更适于采用常态性的、日常的、长期不间断的预防性对策,加强中俄双方常态化的警务合作渠道的构建;加速警务联络的职能转型,定期开展促进国际警民关系的活动,强化有关利益共同体海外认知,逐步改进驻在国警察针对中国公民的执法规范化程度,促进其对华人的公平执法;同时,借2018年和2019年的中俄地方合作交流年活动之际,加强双边执法安全合作的对策,增加出境创业者的安全感,增强两国人民的友谊和福祉。     

The Battle for Baghdad: Testing Hypotheses About Insurgency From Risk Heterogeneity,Repeat Victimization,and Denial Policing Approaches

The Iraqi Insurgency (2003–2011) has commonly been characterized as demonstrating the tendency for violence to cluster and diffuse at the local level. Recent research has demonstrated that insurgent attacks in Iraq cluster in time and space in a manner similar to that observed for the spread of a disease. The current study employs a variety of approaches common to the scientific study of criminal activities to advance our understanding of the correlates of observed patterns of the incidence and contagion of insurgent attacks. We hypothesize that the precise patterns will vary from one place to another, but that more attacks will occur in areas that are heavily populated, where coalition forces are active, and along road networks. To test these hypotheses, we use a fishnet to build a geographical model of Baghdad that disaggregates the city into more than 3000 grid cell locations. A number of logistic regression models with spatial and temporal lags are employed to explore patterns of local escalation and diffusion. These models demonstrate the validity of arguments under each of three models but suggest, overall, that risk heterogeneity arguments provide the most compelling and consistent account of the location of insurgency. In particular, the results demonstrate that violence is most likely at locations with greater population levels, higher density of roads, and military garrisons.     

International Policing in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Issue of Behavioural Reforms lagging behind Structural Reforms,including the Issue of Reengaging the Political Elite in a New System1

Abstract

Police Reform in Bosnia went through different phases. Particularly when starting to address the organisational reform of police forces, new structures and institutions were introduced. This, however, was undermined by the behaviour of leading police officers and particularly the political elite fearing for their influence over the police. The essay argues that in such reforms, in particular at later stages of a reform process, when the organisational setup and the culture of policing is addressed, they tend to be hampered by a lagging behind of mindsets compared to the establishment of new structures/institutions, in particular also in the political elite—a factor that needs to be taken into consideration and that leads to the conclusion that police reform needs a long breath to be continued engagement to become irreversible and sustainable.     

Surveying American State Police Agencies About Terrorism Threats,Terrorism Sources,and Terrorism Definitions

This study presents American state police agencies' perceptions about three significant terrorism and public safety issues. First, we asked about the threat posed by specified extremist groups nationally and to their state. We asked about the number of such groups and their supporters, and the number of activities each group participates in during a typical year in their state. We also asked about the number of criminal incidents each group commits and the number of their supporters arrested in a typical year. Second, we asked the agencies to rate the usefulness of fifteen specified terrorism sources. Third, we queried the agencies about their views of eight terrorism definitions. These data were collected by surveying the fifty state police agencies in the United States. We discovered widespread concern about the criminal activities of various extremist groups, with a particular concern about the threat of Islamic jihadists. Interestingly, although the top rated threat was Islamic jihadists, the respondents indicated that other types of groups were much more criminally active. Further, respondents indicated that various open and non-open sources were valuable terrorism sources. Finally, most respondents reacted more favorably to official terrorism definitions—especially the FBI's—as opposed to academic definitions. We conclude with a discussion of the policy implications of our findings and we outline directions for future research.