实现党员主体地位与发展党内民主

尊重党员主体地位是以人为本在党的建设中的运用和体现,有利于推动党内民主的发展、促进党员管理方式的变革。实现党员主体地位要落实党员知情权、参与权、选举权、监督权,进一步提高党员的主体地位意识。     

党员主体地位与党内民主建设

党员主体地位表现为:党员是党内生活的主体,是党的建设的主体,是党内权力的主体.党员主体地位思想揭示了党内民主的本质含义,即党内民主是全体党员在党内当家作主的政治权利和政治制度.以党员主体地位思想为指导推进党内民主制度创新,要求进一步健全党的代表大会制度,改革党内选举制度,完善党内监督机制.     

巩固党员主体地位的理论探索和实践路径

党员主体问题是马克思主义党的建设的基本问题之一，党的十七大报告提出了尊重党员主体地位的重大命题，反映了中国共产党治党理念的重大转变。本文从阐述党员主体地位的时代背景和现实要求出发，结合基层央行党建工作实践，对当前如何巩固党员主体地位、激发党员主体作用等方面作一些理性分析和探讨。     

关于党员主体地位的理论思考与实践探析

党员主体问题是马克思主义党的建设的基本问题,党员主体地位的提出,反映了中国共产党治党理念的重大转变。受以往理论认识、观念、能力及体制等因素的影响,党员在党内生活中的主体地位尚未得到充分的尊重和显现,需要在理性分析的基础上积极探索解决问题的途径,确保党员主体地位得到实际的确立、尊重和保障。     

大学生党员主体地位:价值意蕴与现实理路

充分认识大学生党员主体地位的重要性,发挥大学生党员主体作用,对于促进高等学校党的建设,培养党的事业接班人具有十分重要的意义。本文拟从大学生党员主体地位的价值意蕴和现实理路两个视角对此问题做出进一步阐述。     

夯实党员主体地位激活党内创新能力

明确党员主体地位，加强党的民主建设，将进一步激发党员的活力和创造力，有力地推进党的建设的向前发展。对此，本文围绕着如何夯实党员主体地位的问题，提出按照党的十七大关于“扩大基层党组织领导班子直接选举范围”的要求，探索和拓展夯实党员主体地位的方式方法，激活党内创新力和创造力，从而更好地发挥排头兵作用。     

以改革创新精神切实做好服务党员工作

党的十七大报告是我们党在新的历史起点上继续发展中国特色社会主义的政治宣言和行动纲领。报告明确提出以改革创新精神加强党的建设的重大战略思想和重大战略任务，为全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程进一步指明了方向。深入贯彻落实“尊重党员主体地位”和“建立健全党内激励、关怀、帮扶机制”的新要求，以改革创新精神切实做好新形势下关心、帮助、服务党员工作，是当前党员教育管理工作面临的一项重要任务。     

如何正确理解党员主体地位这一重大命题

党员主体地位是马克思主义政党党的建设理论中的一个十分重大的问题。中国共产党历来重视调动党员的积极性,发挥党员个体的作用。在当前的形势下,亟需我们准确把握和深刻认识这一重大命题的基本内涵、基本属性、基本特征以及它的时代意义。     

尊重党员主体地位

按照党的十七大以改革创新精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程的要求,市级机关党组织不断开展尊重党员主体地位的实践探索,初步形成了一系列有益认识和有效做法.     

尊重党员主体地位

按照党的十七大以改革创新精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程的要求，市级机关党组织不断开展尊重党员主体地位的实践探索，初步形成了一系列有益认识和有效做法。     

保障党员权利要从基层党员民主生活会开始做起

基层党员民主生活会制度是我们党在长期的革命和建设中形成的一项重要组织制度,是不断加强和改进党的建设的重要制度保障。基层党员民主生活会是提高基层党组织先进性建设,发挥普通党员先进性作用,实现和保障普通党员权利的基石。本文从基层党员民主生活会的现状分析入手,强调要通过开好基层党员民主生活会,保障党员各项权利的充分行使,从而更好的调动广大基层党员的积极性和创造性,使我党的先进性得到更广泛的发挥。     

Conflict and cohesion in the British labour party and French communist party

The article examines the differing organisational structures and political cultures which provide the bases for cohesion in the PCF and British Labour Party. It argues that the electoral decline of the two parties since the late 1960s, and the rise of new political forces to challenge their primacy on the Left, have generated growing internal conflict in each case. Despite the greater pressures towards unity in the PCF such conflicts have threatened the existing bases of cohesion in both parties. The article concludes by considering the possibilities of surmounting the current problems.     

Surprise party

Alesina’s (Quarterly Journal of Economics 102, 651–678, 1987) influential model of presidential elections with ideologically motivated parties attributes higher growth and lower unemployment under Democratic presidents to the surprise inflation a Democratic victory entails. In contrast to the published literature, we test this hypothesis using calculations of presidential election surprises consistent with the assumption of rational economic actors. We confront the econometric complications attending a time-series approach taking into account economic growth dynamics. We ultimately fail to confirm the hypothesis that the level of uncertainty associated with presidential election results has an effect on economic outcomes.     

Partisanship and the party system

The defining properties of party identification long established for the United States fail with some frequency to be replicated in electoral systems abroad. A number of plausible suggestions have been made to account for this system-level variability: Most of these have some face merit, but none taken alone is adequate to provide a full cross-system explanation. Variation in party system size or fractionalization has recently been discussed as another source of differential dynamics of party loyalties. Unfortunately, the conventional means of assessing party identification properties are subject to rather severe artifacts, typically ignored, when comparisons are made across systems of very different party size. The conceptual stakes underlying key methods options for such comparisons—most notably, between continuous and discrete statistical tools—are examined. The use of continuous statistics for systems of very multiple parties rests on an assumption that voters do in some degree regard these party systems as imbedded in a continuous space. A simple test for this assumption is mounted in four systems and unsurprisingly it shows very clear support. Analysis of residuals beyond this obvious result add several points of less obvious information about the distribution of party affect in such systems.     

New party challenges and partisan change: The effects of party competition on party loyalty

It has long been established that changes in the electorate can have an impact on party systems, sometimes leading to the creation of new parties and the elimination of old ones. We contend, however, that changes in the party system may cause voters to reassess their party identification absent of any long-term change in the overall makeup or attitudes of the electorate. As a case in point, we demonstrate that changes in the Canadian party system in the late 1980s (specifically the advent of the right-wing Reform Party) led to a decline in party loyalty among supporters of the right-center Progressive Conservative Party. We discuss the implications of these findings for the study of party systems and partisan change.     

学习型党组织与执政党的社会知识管理能力

创新性地提出社会知识管理能力的新概念,分析了学习型党组织与社会知识管理能力之间的关系,阐述了提高执政党的社会知识管理能力的必要性,结合深圳经验就如何提高党的社会知识管理能力提出了建议。     

Adapting to party lines: the effect of party affiliation on attitudes to immigration

Public opinion on immigration is increasingly relevant for political behaviour. However, little is known about the way in which citizens’ political allegiances in turn shape their attitudes to immigration. Abundant existing evidence suggests that voters often take cues from the parties they support. Using panel data from the Netherlands and Sweden, this article investigates the dynamic relation between attitudes to immigration and party preferences. The longitudinal nature of the data allows for making stronger claims about causal mechanisms than previous cross-sectional studies. The analysis shows that voters who change their preference to the Radical Right become stricter on immigration, whereas voters changing to the Greens become less strict on immigration over time. This confirms that citizens’ support for anti- and pro-immigration parties results in a ‘radicalisation’ of their views on immigration along party lines. A similar ‘spiral’ of radicalisation can be found around the issue of European integration.     

Otto Kirchheimer and the catch-all party

Otto Kirchheimer's conception of the catch-all party was part of his more comprehensive theory of party transformation, encompassing four interrelated political processes. By tracing the development of the catch-all thesis and placing it within the wider context of Kirchheimer's complete work, it is possible to reconstruct a more precise understanding of what Kirchheimer meant by the catch-all concept, which itself remains highly contested. Kirchheimer's anxiety about modern democracy originated with what he saw as the vanishing of principled opposition within parliament and society, and the reduction of politics to the mere management of the state. This leads to collusion of political parties and the state, severing of the societal links of party organisations, and erosion of the classic separation of powers. Vanishing opposition, cartelisation and professionalisation of politics pits citizens against a powerful state, which increases political cynicism and apathy. Kirchheimer's comprehensive approach remains relevant to much of the contemporary debate about the transformation of Western political systems.