中国获取全球石油资源的战略选择

大国获得海外石油权益的基本目标是希望能够顺利进入、分享石油资源,理想目标则是能够逐步稳定、扩大既有的石油开采权益。大国分享石油资源的关键在于能否有效降低竞争对手(包括先进入国家和其他后进入国家)的抵制,争取资源拥有国的支持。从中国能源外交的实践来看,有限分流是成功分享海外石油权益最为重要的战略,而有效化解竞争对手干扰的主要策略包括限制收益和借助矛盾。在实现基本目标后,大国若想稳定甚至扩大既有的石油开发权益,关键因素则在于提高本国对于油气资源区域的影响力。对中国来说,提高对油气资源区域国家影响力的主要途径包括保持良好的政治经济关系和提高开发效率,而很少通过向资源拥有方提供安全保护来拓展海外石油利益,这主要源于中国目前的实力特征和整体对外战略取向。     

海外华文传媒与中国国家形象塑造

在全球化时代,海外华文传媒是在国际上树立中国形象的一个重要参与者。文章首先探讨了国家形象的涵义与特点,分析了制约中国国家形象的文化与现实因素,指出海外华文传媒在塑造中国和平发展的国家形象,改革开放、民主法制的国家形象以及负责任的大国形象等方面发挥了积极、重要的作用。文章还介绍了中国塑造自身国家形象的方式,并强调国家形象塑造的主体必定是中国自身,海外华文传媒只处于向世界真实说明中国、构建良好中国形象的附属地位。     

中国的对外发展援助战略反思

对外发展援助是一国对外政策中的重要工具。近年来,随着中国的战略崛起,中国对外援助的目标、功能和手段都发生了较大的变化。为了更好地适应国际政治经济形势的新变化,中国的对外发展援助需要在战略目标、决策管理体制、执行监督机制等方面做出适时的调整和改革。本文首先分析了对外发展援助与国家利益的关系,然后探讨了中国对外发展援助的指导思想、战略重点和国别策略。通过借鉴其他国家的实践经验以及对中国对外援助体系的分析,本文还尝试对中国对外发展援助的决策、管理、执行和评估机制的改革和完善提出了若干建议。     

跨国关系与国内政治--比较政治与国际政治经济学视野下的国际关系研究

在过去的几十年中 ,各国内部政治经济越来越多地被整合到一体化的世界中 ,国际力量以前所未有的势头介入并影响着国内政治经济社会的变迁 ,可以说 ,无论在发达工业化国家 ,还是广大的第三世界国家 ,也无论在民主国家还是集权国家 ,各国内部政治经济社会被打上的国际痕迹比历史上任何时候都要明显与深刻。与此相呼应的是 ,如何从理论上认识一体化、国际化、全球化 ,或者相互依赖压力下的国内政治经济变迁 ,开始吸引了越来越多学者的兴趣。将比较政治和国际政治经济学结合起来 ,对国际关系和国内政治进行综合探讨 ,就是此项学术努力的一部分 ,…     

独联体十年发展与俄罗斯的选择

独联体既是大多数后苏联独立国家开展政治经济和安全合作的平台,又是关系到俄罗斯发展前途的一个关键点。它历经10年的曲折发展,今天却沧桑依旧,面临很多难解的问题。尽管其中一些国家为弥合各国间存在的分歧做出一定的努力,也制定了不少文件,力争使该合作组织的职能机制化;另一些国家则对该组织心存疑虑,表现出更多的独立和离心倾向。本文对独联体的发展历程、现状、前景与俄罗斯相关政策选择作了探讨。     

中国的对外发展援助战略反思

对外发展援助是一国对外政策中的重要工具.近年来,随着中国的战略崛起,中国对外援助的目标、功能和手段都发生了较大的变化.为了更好地适应国际政治经济形势的新变化,中国的对外发展援助需要在战略目标、决策管理体制、执行监督机制等方面做出适时的调整和改革.本文首先分析了对外发展援助与国家利益的关系,然后探讨了中国对外发展援助的指导思想、战略重点和国别策略.通过借鉴其他国家的实践经验以及对中国对外援助体系的分析,本文还尝试对中国对外发展援助的决策、管理、执行和评估机制的改革和完善提出了若干建议.     

日本在泰国的企业投资

(一)一九八○年的状况 在泰国的日资企业大致可以分为以下三种形态,即是: ①日本的制造业公司、商业公司、航空与运输公司、土木建筑公司、广告公司、金融与保险公司等在泰国设立的日资投资企业。 ②日本公司设在国外的海外办事处,开展一些日本公司为发展海外营业活动所需要的情     

浅析俄罗斯新税制——石油行业发展的十字路口

石油行业在俄罗斯产业结构中占重要地位。石油行业的税收收入是俄联邦财政预算收入的重要组成部分。俄联邦政府相关部门、石油企业经过多次博弈,对原油、成品油中轻油和重油税率进行了修改,旨在寻求国家财政预算收入与石油企业的投资收益之间的最佳平衡,在国家整个宏观经济调控与石油行业健康发展之间找到最好办法。进行海外油气合作、实施海外并购,一国的财税制度甚为重要。对"走出去"的中国油气公司、企业而言,了解和掌握俄罗斯新税制的通过、实施及其将产生何种影响甚为关键。     

瓦尔代会议与俄罗斯形象

一年一度的瓦尔代国际研讨会是俄罗斯主要为西方各国的俄国问题专家举办的一个专业聚会。由于这一会议每次都要安排不少俄罗斯高层官员和权威学者与外国学者们交流,组织各国学者在一些重要部门和地方进行参观访问,特别是普京总统本人每年都要在百忙中亲自和与会学者们见面对话,因此,这个国际会议在一定程度上成了国际俄罗斯学界了解俄罗斯最新政治经济走向,领略俄罗斯精英阶层决策构思,体验俄罗斯民风变迁的重要窗口。同时,每次瓦尔代国际研讨会又是俄罗斯的政治精英与国外同行交流切磋、推行公共外交的极好机会。因为,与会的各国资深专家,…     

中华人民共和国农业部公告 第1811号

根据《中华人民共和国动物防疫法》、《无规定动物疫病区评估管理办法》(农业部令第1号)及有关规定,经全国动物卫生风险评估专家委员会组织评估,吉林永吉免疫无口蹄疫区已正式建成,达到国家免疫无口蹄疫区标准。吉林永吉免疫无口蹄疫区核心区为永吉县全境,缓冲区为永吉县周边的7个县级行政区域,包括吉     

东亚经济一体化:国外的视角

进入新世纪以来,作为一种介于全球主义和民族主义之间的新地区主义思潮,对传统的国际政治经济与国际关系研究提出了新的挑战,引起国际关系理论界的研究兴趣。综合分析国外学者对东亚经济一体化的研究成果,笔者认为,国外学者主要从一体化的动因、推进模式、发展前景和大国关系等四个视角对东亚经济一体化进行研究探讨,这对我国理论界进一步研究东亚经济一体化问题有一定借鉴和促进作用。     

Building Neo-liberal Markets and Other Agendas: The Politics of Risk Management at AusAID

Abstract

This article analyses emerging approaches by donors to risk management, focusing on the case of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID). It suggests that AusAID's understanding and management of risk are expressions of particular political and social interests and, subsequently, that its approach to risk management is inherently political in nature. While AusAID's policies and guidelines on risk management identify a wide range of risks as being relevant to the agency's work – including risks to poverty reduction and sustainable development – in practice it has focused on managing risks to the building of neo-liberal markets, both within Australia and in developing countries, and the Australian government's foreign policy objectives. To illustrate these points, we present an analysis of AusAID's approach to risk management in a major economic governance project, the Philippines-Australia Partnership for Economic Governance Reforms. We conclude by indicating ways in which donor approaches to risk management can be revised to give greater attention to the needs of the poor and civil society, while acknowledging that such revisions may be contingent upon prior changes in the structure of power and interest and/or institutional characteristics of aid policy-making processes in donor countries.     

全球与地区制度竞争中的后苏联国家:以哈萨克斯坦为例

本文从哈萨克斯坦的实例出发,考察单个国家利用制度竞争吸引外国投资产生的一系列决策的差异性问题.它主要聚焦于政治偏见和政治生存效果两者之间的矛盾,这恰恰是正规经济制度发展和实施的推动力.哈萨克斯坦的例子展现了这二者相对重要性的转变对国家在争取外国直接投资(FDI)所产生的显著影响.此外,本文还着眼于经济全球化背景下各个层面在制度竞争中的相对重要性.     

Populisms old and new: the Peruvian case⋆

President Fujimori is often seen as exemplary of the Latin American “neopopulist”. Having inherited a country in crisis, he managed to engineer profound changes in the economic sphere, legitimising his government through a direct rapport with the mass of the population that marginalised representative institutions. This article seeks to place this “neopopulism” in an historical context by focusing on the socio‐economic and political characteristics that have sustained a tradition of populism in Peru. It argues that “top‐down” styles of political mobilisation have long had a debilitating effect on the development of a representative party system, and that populist traits can be traced through regimes of widely differing ideological orientations.     

Baltic foreign policy making establishments of the 1990s: Influential institutional and individual actors

Abstract

This article examines, evaluates, and compares the role of political institutions in the foreign policy making process of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in the 1990s. The central claim advanced is that the extent of influence exercised by political institutions in transitional states was largely conditioned by, and depended on, the individuals who headed these institutions. It is argued that the stronger the personality at the top of a political institution, the greater and more influential role it played in the foreign policy making process of the country.     

Civil society in Georgia: expectations versus reality

Academic analysts, political commentators and activists in Georgia are almost unanimous in their assessment that the public in Georgia is generally passive, civil society is weak, and that this may be one of the key reasons why Georgia – despite numerous democratic openings – keeps failing to consolidate its democratic institutions. In order to measure the strengths and weaknesses of Georgian civil society, the present article uses interviews with respondents from the Georgian non-governmental organization sector and academia on two areas: (a) citizen participation: to what extent is civic participation in the public sphere aimed at advancing shared interests and (b) influence on policy-making: to what extent is Georgian civil society able to foster popular influence on political and economic developments. This paper applies the concept of delegative democracy to contemporary developments in Georgia, and argues that one of the major factors which contribute to this trend in Georgia is a weak civil society and, therefore, a lack of intermediary institutions to safeguard democratic norms.     

Risk,Social Protection and the World Market

Abstract

This paper sees market building in Asia as part of the larger project of constructing a global market economy – a project which can be traced back to Adam Smith and, more recently, to the founding of a set of global liberal institutions in the post-World War II period. In the last two decades the global liberal impulse behind the creation of these institutions has gained momentum, in step with the emergence of a “world market” of genuinely global scale. The issue of risk is central to the project of building a world market. Following an introduction to the global liberal project, the first section of this paper addresses the question of risk through a critical analysis of the difference between negative risks (both external and internal) that pose a threat to the global liberal project, and the positive risks that the project seeks to embed and incentivise. The second section outlines the treatment of risk in the literature on the “political economy of reform,” and the third provides a detailed analysis of Social Risk Management at the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank over the last decade. The final section reflects on the implications for “building markets in Asia.”     

Natural resource rents and elite bargains in Africa: Exploring avenues for future research

This article explores the recent debate over the quality of Africa's growth episode of the past decade, specifically insofar as it pertains to the pitfalls of commodity-dependent growth and the hypothesised ‘resource curse’. In addition, the article focuses on why political and economic institutions are important, and why they are indicators for the likely development impacts of Africa's evident mineral and hydrocarbon wealth. Third, it suggests a useful theoretical framework for understanding these indicators, especially with regard to the differing constraints under which foreign investors operate and interact with host countries. Developing on the latter points, the article looks at the nature of Chinese foreign investment in Africa's extractive industries. Finally, the article suggests an agenda for future research that could better inform development policy for the purpose of promoting high-quality growth in Africa.     

Policies first,institutions second: lessons from Estonia’s economic reforms

Abstract

It has become convention in recent years to treat the building of institutions as the centerpiece of successful economic reform. The case of Estonia challenges this view. Although effective economic institutions eventually arose, Estonia began its transition bereft of the institutions that supposedly serve as the requisites of robust achievement. The institutions only emerged after an ideologically driven core of leaders implemented policies that laid the groundwork. In particular, the imposition of hard budget constraints sidelined political capitalists opposed to the rule of law by severing them from the state subsidies, soft loans, and other privileges on which they thrive. In the absence of a powerful class of political capitalists, Estonian governments were free to forge and continually improve a collection of institutions that sets the country apart among its postcommunist peers. Good institutions are desirable but not necessary for policy reform, and they are better seen as auspicious knock-on effects than as prime movers.     

Neoliberalism,the State and Economic Policy Outcomes in the Post-Arab Uprisings: The Case of Egypt

Despite the radical upheavals during the revolution of 2011 whereby the Egyptian public rejected neoliberalism and authoritarianism, Egypt has reverted back to the neoliberal model of economic development. This paper discusses the reasons behind the resilience of neoliberalism focusing on the role of dominant economic ideas, the influence of international financial institutions in policy making and the challenging domestic political environment, which has so far precluded a break from the neoliberal model. The paper ends with a critical assessment of current policies and their broader social implications for different classes and groups in Egypt.