美军“网络战”理论和实践

当前，美军对网络空间领域的依赖性逐渐增大，其“网络战”理论研究和军力建设工作也在不断加强。2007年9月，美空军正式宣布成立“网络空间司令部”（Air Force Cyber Command），并于2008年3月3日发布《空军网络空间司令部战略构想》（以下简称《构想》），明确了网络空间的范畴与作战特点。4月6日，美联社报道称，美空军网络空间司令部司令首次承认，美军网络战部队正在发展“致命的进攻作战能力”。     

美国对欧陆国家开展经济情报战

外论:“欧洲受到朋友的威胁”刊名:德国《明镜》周刊２０００年第１５期作者:提洛·蒂尔克(ＴｈｉｌｏＴｈｉｅｌｋｅ）冷战结束后,西方国家间的经济与科技竞争日趋激烈。为抢占这方面的制高点,美国迅速将其情报机构的重心从政治和军事转向经济和科技。最近,德国《明镜》周刊发表题为“欧洲受到朋友的威胁”一文,披露这方面的情况:美国政府明确指示其情报机构要为美经济服务并将获取的情报转给有关的美国公司。克林顿总统也公开表示:中央情报局的主要任务是搜集经济情报。现将该外论的主要内容摘译如下:一、美国竭力窃听欧陆国家经济情报今…     

俄罗斯对美国太空武器化政策的回应

太空探索被视为俄罗斯的国家总体实力与军事实力的象征.面对美国太空武器化的政策,为保证其进出太空的自由和其战略利益,俄罗斯对此做出回应.一方面,联手中国等国家呼吁国际社会限制太空武器化;另一方面谋求"非对称反击"手段,发展相关反制武器,不让美国在太空武器领域一枝独秀.俄罗斯的回应夹杂着咆哮与绝望的奇特混合的特征.     

美军因何重新重视游击战

海湾战争的辉煌战果,一度让美军宣称已从越南战争的失败阴影中走了出来,也让美军淡化了对游击战的研究。然而,美国国防部最近却向全军下发了指导部队应对游击战的纲要性文件草案《非正规作战执行路线图》。在这个草案中,美军重新把游击战定性为一种战略,并称其目的就是要提升美     

US Central Asia Diplomacy in the Post-Afghanistan War Era

The United States is supposed to complete its withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan before the end of 2014（mainly the combat forces, not necessarily all its forces）. With the time drawing near, a range of issues regarding the ties between the US and Central Asia loom. Just as the Afghanistan War has greatly changed American policy towards Central Asia, its ending will equally alter America＇s Central Asia policy.     

冷战后美国对古巴的敌视政策

世界范围的冷战结束后 ,美国与古巴之间的冷战状态仍然存在。反古宣传、外交孤立和经济制裁是冷战后美国对古巴敌视政策的主要内容。冷战期间美国的对古政策是由国际因素 (反苏 )主导的 ,冷战后美国对古巴的敌视政策则主要是由一系列国内因素促成的。美国国内反古势力制造舆论 ,国会大力推动 ,党派政治和选举政治搀杂其中 ,媒体炒作 ,美国社会观念上的自以为是等等 ,都对敌视古巴政策的形成起了推波助澜的作用。由于国际社会和美国国内企业界的反对 ,近来美国对古政策在形式上出现了缓和迹象 ;但敌视仍是美国对古政策的主旋律。冷战后美国敌视古巴的政策与冷战期间有明显的不同。军事上的敌对程度已大大下降 ;敌对的手段也有变化 ;敌视政策的目的是以压促变 ,所谓的民主和人权问题是美国反对古巴的主要手段。冷战后美国对古巴的敌视政策带有浓厚的意识形态色彩和情绪化特点。     

冷战时期美国的南亚战略与美印关系

本文重点分析了冷战时期美国的南亚战略，考察了冷战时期美国与印度关系演变的历史轨迹，分析了美国通过发展与印度的双边关系以反击苏联在南亚的战略利益的战略，并论证了限制美印关系的若干因素。     

伊拉克战争与俄美国际战略冲突

对于伊拉克战争 ,俄罗斯外交反应经历了强硬—缓和—再强硬的过程。强硬是其反应的基调 ,当前俄美之间的斗争已转向伊拉克战后安排问题。巨大的经济损失、对外经济战略的失败和俄美之间国际战略的严重冲突 ,决定了俄罗斯外交的基本立场 ,对形势判断有误也是导致俄罗斯激烈反应的不容忽视的因素。就全局而言 ,今后俄美之间还必须寻求妥协与合作 ,但由于国际战略利益的冲突 ,两国之间的共同点在减少 ,分歧在增加 ,两国间的斗争将长期继续下去。在短期内 ,俄罗斯的国际战略环境将趋于恶化 ,俄罗斯外交正进入较困难的时期     

Vicarious Retribution in US Public Support for War Against Iraq

US public anger and desire to avenge the September 11, 2001 terror attacks were redirected toward Iraq partly because of its identity as an Arab and Muslim state. Online panel survey data reveal that citizens who were relatively angry about the terror attacks were more belligerent toward Iraq, an effect that was strongest among those who perceived Arabs and Muslims in monolithic terms. The angry desire to avenge 9/11 was more persistent for those who saw Arabs and Muslims in that light, and its effect on war support was partially mediated by worsened feelings about Arabs and Muslims in general. These findings help explain why public belligerence toward Iraq shot up right after 9/11, before President George W. Bush began alleging that Iraq was pursuing weapons of mass destruction and had ties to al Qaeda.     

阿富汗战争与中亚的地缘竞争

由于塔利班政权包庇涉嫌制造9·11恐怖事件的沙特流亡富豪本·拉登，美国于2印1年10月7日开始对阿富汗展开了报复性的军事打击。与许多人的预言相反，阿富汗战争并未持续太长的时间，塔利班武装也没有进行像样的抵抗，在美国强大的空中力量支援下，北方联盟的军队在很短……     

From “War-in-Sight” to Nearly War: Anglo-French Relations in the Age of High Imperialism, 1875-1898

The 1904 entente has cast a long shadow across the twentieth century. As a political “myth,” the notion of an entente cordiale between the two longstanding European enemies and overseas rivals France and Britain has overtaken the event itself, in so far as its historical importance is concerned. In this way, the notion of the entente has tended to obscure important aspects of a more complex and ambiguous history of cross-Channel relations. Using a range of British and French diplomatic, naval and private papers, this chapter examines the tensions in Anglo-French relations, caused by balance-of-power considerations in Europe and overseas imperial competition, between the “War-in-Sight” crisis of 1875 and the 1898 Fashoda stand-off.     

从伊拉克战争剖析美国全球战略

3月20日美国无视联合国宗旨以及公认的国际法准则,也不顾国际社会普遍反对,悍然对伊拉克发动了军事行动。这是美国凭借它的超强地位和高科技军事优势,实施“先发制人”战略,以武力开道,以美式“民主”和价值观“整合”整个中东以至全世界的重要步骤。     

缅怀那些最可爱的人——丹东市抗美援朝纪念馆

“雄赳赳，气昂昂，跨过鸭绿江……”，这首激昂雄壮的战歌，是当年志愿军战士开赴抗美援朝前线的出征号角，它让一代又一代热血青年为之心潮澎湃，慷慨激昂。在辽宁东部美丽的边境城市丹东，在当年抗美援朝战士出征的地方，有一座抗美援朝纪念馆，为我们展示了抗美援朝战争波澜壮阔的伟大画卷，让我们回想起那段激情燃烧的岁月，感受最可爱的人的感人事迹，感受其中伟大的爱国主义和国际主义精神。     

意识形态与冷战时期美国的对苏政策

文章认为,反共主义意识形态在美国有着深厚的基础,反共主义是冷战时期美国推行反苏政策的主要动因之一.对美国来说,意识研态不仅仅是与苏对抗的一种手段,而且是与争夺世界霸权具有同等重要意义的一个目的.布什政府宣布冷战结束的主要根据是"苏联在东欧统治的崩溃"和苏联已经放弃共产主义意识形态.     

Confronting Terrorisms: Group Motivation and Successful State Policies

Much of the recent debate among policymakers and in recent scholarship focuses on how states should respond to terrorism: whether they should use harsh policies to punish terrorists and thus deter future acts, or concentrate on root causes and reduce incentives to use terrorism. Often ignored in this discussion are the characteristics that distinguish terrorist groups from one another, and that influence the effectiveness of a state's actions. This article examines group motivation—national-separatism, revolution, reaction, or religion—as one key trait, and finds that these different “terrorisms” do affect the relative success of various counterterrorist policies.     

On the Brink of War: The Crisis Year of 1915 in Relations Between the US and Austria-Hungary

This article deals with the development of political relations between the United States of America and Austria-Hungary in 1915. These relations are especially marked by the pressure applied by the Austro-Hungarian government towards diminishing American support of the countries of the Entente. It was a conflict of crucial significance—the actual performance of American neutrality was at stake. The study proves that, as early as 1915, Vienna had already considered the United States as a de facto ally of the powers of the Entente, and it did not put much hope in President Woodrow Wilson's mediating efforts. Furthermore, the article disproves the generally held but erroneous view that, almost till the end of the Great War, the American administration and public felt a certain fondness toward the Danubian monarchy. This is evidenced by the harsh reactions of the American press to the scandalous activities of the Austro-Hungarian embassy in the United States. However, the relations of the United States with Austria-Hungary were less dramatic than those between the United States and Germany.