Why terrorism can,but should not be defined

This article seeks to turn the debate about the definition of terrorism on its head by arguing: (1) that the definitional debate has served to obscure the substantial scholarly consensus that actually exists on what terrorism is; (2) that this consensus is, however, largely unnecessary and irrelevant to the effective use of the term in the heterogeneous contexts within which it is employed; and (3) that by focusing on the quest for a definition of terrorism, terrorism scholars have largely missed the really interesting question about the word, namely, why it is that, given the heterogeneous purposes and contexts for which the word is used, we nonetheless continue to use a single word for all. In other words, how is it that we continue to know terrorism when we see it?     

蛋鸡血清与卵黄中禽流感病毒抗体的相关性

用禽流感 (AI)H9N2油乳剂灭活疫苗免疫非免疫蛋鸡 ,并于免疫后第 0、3、5、7、9、11、13、15、17、19、2 1、30d分别测定血清及卵黄中的AI血凝抑制试验 (HI)及琼脂扩散凝集试验(AGP)抗体。结果显示 ,免疫后第 7d卵黄中即可检出HI及AGP抗体 ,以后逐渐上升 ,在免疫后第 19～ 2 1d达高峰值 ,与血清的HI抗体水平接近 ,差异不显著 (P >0 .0 5 )。表明通过对鸡蛋卵黄AIV抗体检测 ,可以进行AI的疫情监测 ,但卵黄抗体检测具有一定的滞后性     

Visions of (In)Security and American Strategic Style

This essay was stimulated (provoked) by discussions in three separate venues: (1) a U.S. Naval War College conference on "Alternative Futures in War and Conflict: Implications for U.S. National Security," held in late 1999; (2) several recent widely circulated "blue-ribbon" reports on the subject; and (3) recent papers emerging from the U.S. defense bureaucracy speculating on strategic visions of the next ten to twenty years. My contention is that the prevailing official and quasi-official debate exhibits excessive and overly definitive emphases on: (1) particular facets of insecurity; (2) attributions to the U.S. of benign intent and capacity; and (3) assumptions that most others share that interpretation of our words and deeds. There also tends to be unwarranted neglect of representation and standing issues which discriminate for and against different policy perspectives and forms of program expertise. A plea is offered for an alternative approach based on what we know about how persons, organizations, and communities can best position themselves for (in)security futures.     

PCV2感染对猪MCP-1和IL-8 mRNA表达的影响

将猪圆环病毒2型(PCV2)BF株经口、鼻接种40日龄健康普通仔猪,于接种后不同时间宰杀,收集肺泡巨噬细胞(PAM),同时设立对照。用竞争PCR技术测定趋化性细胞因子IL-8和 MCP-1 mRNA水平,分析PCV2感染对其mRNA表达的影响。结果显示,与对照组相比,在 PCV2感染后第7 d,IL-8 mRNA水平下降至最低,随后迅速上升,至第14 d时达到高峰,而后快速下降,但仍维持较高水平;MCP-1 mRNA水平在攻毒后第3 d下降至最低,之后逐渐上升,至第14 d时达到高峰,而后下降,第21 d以后恢复正常。结果表明,PCV2感染初期可导致PAM趋化性细胞因子IL-8和MCP-1基因的转录明显下调。     

Was Idi Amin's Government a Terrorist Regime?

What does state terrorism look like? How do we distinguish it from other forms of mass state violence, such as repression or genocide? Based on the developing literature on state terrorism, this study presents three expectations that violence perpetrated by the state should meet if it is to be classified as state terrorism: these are (a) that the violence is perpetrated by agents of the state, (b) that the violence is visible, and (c) that state terrorism focused against a state's own citizens will be carried out by an autocratic, personalistic regime. Drawing substantially on a series of primary sources, this study demonstrates that Idi Amin's regime in Uganda from 1971 to 1979 did engage in state terrorism against its own citizens.     

Global Energy Governance: Trade,Infrastructure, and the Diffusion of International Organizations

Why do states choose to join and form international governmental organizations (IGOs) that regulate energy policy? In this article we make three specific contributions to the literature on international cooperation and diffusion. First, we show that countries form and join energy IGOs in response to memberships previously gained by direct competitors among oil and gas producers and consumers. Moreover, we demonstrate that energy IGOs diffuse among countries that share oil and gas pipelines. Finally, we provide evidence that the institutional design of established energy IGOs impacts the development of their membership network. To test these hypotheses, we rely on original data on oil and gas pipelines and the design of energy IGOs as well as on a newly compiled dataset that includes 152 countries and covers 38 years (1970–2007). We employ both network analysis and spatial econometrics.     

山羊附红细胞体病的流行病学调查

对河南省豫东 6个县的山羊附红细胞体病进行了流行病学调查。结果表明 ,山羊附红细胞体病的感染传播没有季节差异 ;集约化养羊的感染率比散养羊的感染率明显 (P <0 .0 1)高 ;隐性感染附红细胞体病的母山羊所产羔羊绝大多数发病 ,波尔山羊新生羔羊发病率明显 (P <0 .0 5 )高于杂交羊 ,极显著 (P <0 .0 1)高于槐山羊 ;长期在低洼潮湿环境中放牧的山羊感染率和发病率明显 (P <0 .0 1)高于在干燥环境中放牧的山羊 ;带毒针头可以传染山羊附红细胞体病 ;天气骤冷、阴雨连绵、羔羊断奶、过度拥挤等应激因子可促使本病的发生     

The role of self-help groups in empowering disabled women: a case study in Kathmandu Valley,Nepal

The literature on self-help groups (SHGs) shows a mixed record on empowering women both economically and socially, while the literature on Women with Disabilities (WWDs) highlights the problems of isolation that exacerbate their disadvantages. This article, asking whether SHGs can empower WWDs, is based on a study conducted in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. It concludes that being an SHG member is useful for gaining employment that leads to better recognition in the family and society. However, employment opportunities and organisational experiences mean that the benefits are not equally shared among all members.     

Responsible use of crop protection products and Nigeria's growth enhancement support scheme

This article examines the impact of the federal government of Nigeria's growth enhancement support scheme (GESS) on responsible use of crop protection products (CPPs) in rural Nigeria. Results from the logistic regressions show that GESS significantly impact on farmers’ access to CPPs but does not significantly impact on farmers’ knowledge and skill of CPP application, and that in several cases misuse has led to deterioration of soil fertility. Findings suggests that embracing information on recommended CPPs, dose rates, dilutions, timing, frequency of applications, and precautions should form the foundation of GESS activity on CPPs in sub-Saharan Africa.     

Economic Voting Appeals in Congressional Campaigns

Although they agree that economics and elections are intertwined, theories of economic voting disagree on the policy focus (on positions taken or outcomes achieved) and time horizon (retrospective or prospective) that guides voters’ decisions. Most research on these debates looks at the considerations voters weigh. Instead, I explore the types of economic voting that candidates encourage through their campaign appeals. Content-coded advertising data from the 2004 congressional elections show that appeals focus more on policy positions than outcomes and more on the past than the future. Consistent with predictions from emphasis allocation theory, strategic incentives and electoral context shape the exact mix of economic appeals campaigns make. When promoting their own candidacy, politicians ask voters to think about (more unifying) future economic outcomes; when attacking their opponent’s candidacy, they ask voters to think about (more divisive) past policy positions. In districts experiencing worsening economic conditions, voters are exposed to more information about policy outcomes; in districts where the incumbent is ideologically “out of step,” they hear more about policy positions. Studies that seek to evaluate competing theories of economic voting are thus likely to draw misleading conclusions if they treat the information environment as a homogeneous constant: Campaigns in different districts, facing different strategic incentives, encourage significantly different types of economic voting.     

The Catalytic Effect of IMF Lending: Evidence from Sectoral FDI Data

Our study contributes to the search for the elusive catalytic effect of International Monetary Fund (IMF) lending on inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI). Recent scholarship has found that the catalytic effect is conditional on political regime and program stringency. We contribute to this literature by developing and testing a theory which describes how the catalytic effect also varies by economic sector. This is a departure from existing studies, which have tended to focus on aggregate FDI flows after crises. Our findings corroborate previous research, which finds that in general IMF lending has a substantial and negative effect on FDI. However, we find that the negative effect is concentrated in sectors that are highly dependent on external capital and have low sunk costs in the host country. Our findings are robust to several alternative explanations common in IMF literature, namely the importance of IMF program design and the ability of governments to make credible commitments to reform. Substantively, our findings suggest that investors are more likely to use IMF lending as an escape hatch in countries where FDI is dependent on external capital and has low sunk costs.     

猪圆环病毒2型感染对猪肺泡巨噬细胞生物学活性的影响

将猪圆环病毒2型(PCV2)BF株经口、鼻接种40日龄健康仔猪,在接种后不同时间宰杀,收集猪肺泡巨噬细胞(PAM),同时设立对照。用FITC-Annexin V/PI双染色流式细胞术和琼脂糖凝胶电泳检测PAM凋亡现象,通过EA花环试验测定Fc受体数目,通过吞噬鸡红细胞试验测定吞噬功能,分析PCV2感染对PAM生物学活性的影响。结果显示,在整个试验期内2种方法均没有检测到PAM凋亡,表明PCV2感染不会诱发PAM凋亡。PAM的Fc受体数和吞噬鸡红细胞数的变化规律一致,与对照组相比,两者数量在接种后第3 d明显下降,第7 d有所回升,之后基本恢复,表明PCV2感染后PAM吞噬和清除病原的功能出现短暂下降。     

Decolonising the Decolonisers? Of Ontological Encounters in the GMO Controversy and Beyond

Calls for decolonising IR are often focused on the need to decolonise dominant epistemologies. This article explores whether a shift towards decolonising ontology is able to provide a more profound challenge. Decolonising ontology implies acknowledging that there are multiple actual “worlds”, rather than just multiple perspectives on THE (“one”) world. However, I argue that this approach is limited by the representational strategies that are used for making the encounter of multiple worlds legible for an academic audience. Drawing on ethnographic work that anthropologists have undertaken in relation to the GMO controversy as well as broader decolonial work in IR, I maintain that the writing-up of research often entails the settling and stabilising of ontological encounters that have been experienced as unsettling and disconcerting. This move towards stabilisation is grounded in hegemonic, colonial understandings of which questions should be pursued and why: questions that continue to be about determining what “is” (rather than asking what questions would lead to rightful action), that can be answered with the help of all-encompassing concepts (such as the concept of the “pluriverse”), and that provide insights for entire disciplines (such as IR). The article shows to what extent this is detrimental to projects of decolonisation.     

Norms,Behavioral Compliance,and Status Attribution in International Politics

Extant work on status attribution has largely focused on major powers or state capabilities as key explanatory factors driving these social processes and suggests that status considerations increase conflicts between states. We argue for a more comprehensive approach to status attribution that considers international norms as another major factor that is weighed in the attribution process. We contend that states (policymakers) evaluate one another not only on the basis of economic and military capabilities but also on the extent to which there is behavioral conformance with normative expectations and reward one another dependent upon whether these expectations are met. However, this attribution of status is dependent upon the level of contestation pertaining to that norm. Using a data set that assesses consistency with six different norms (resource transference, multilateralism, economic liberalism, democratic governance, respect for human rights, and peaceful dispute resolution), we find that status attribution is associated with norm-consistent behavior but only when these norms are uncontested at the global level.     

Exposure to Political Disagreement in Social Media Versus Face-to-Face and Anonymous Online Settings

This article investigates political disagreement on social media in comparison to face-to-face and anonymous online settings. Because of the structure of social relationships and the social norms that influence expression, it is hypothesized that people perceive more political disagreement in social media settings versus face-to-face and anonymous online settings. Analyses of an online survey of adults in the United States show that (a) social media users perceive more political disagreement than non-users, (b) they perceive more of it on social media than in other communication settings, and (c) news use on social media is positively related to perceived disagreement on social media. Results are discussed in light of their implications for current debates about the contemporary public sphere and directions for future research.     

Improving Reputation BIT by BIT: Bilateral Investment Treaties and Foreign Accountability

The literature on foreign direct investment (FDI) has paid an increasing interest to international institutions such as bilateral investment treaties (BITs), but whether BITs help attract FDI is an unsettled question. Building on the existing literature, this article argues that BITs can change investors’ perceptions and the corresponding investment they make because signing BITs signals the involvement of another powerful country that is able to compel the host government to comply. This implies that the effect of BITs is not constant across signatory countries: BITs are more effective when they are signed with rich and influential countries. Using monadic and dyadic FDI data, this article finds that BITs signed with powerful countries (defined as the top six largest economies) lead to an increase in FDI inflows (both from these signatory countries and from other countries). BITs signed with other countries, despite in a larger quantity, have little influence on FDI inflows.     

The afterlife of Osama bin Laden: performative pictures in the “war on terror”

In his interview with CBS News on 4 May 2011, US President Barack Obama acknowledged the power of images when he explained that his government would not release a photo of the dead Osama bin Laden due to moral considerations and security-related issues. How is it possible that a photo is perceived as too horrific to be published and as a powerful threat to national security? In this article, I argue that the concept of performativity helps to acknowledge the iconic power of an image as well as its discursive contextualisation. Yet, the meaning of a picture is not only discursively constituted but made possible by a performative act of showing/seeing. Empirically, I focus on pictures that refer to the killing of Osama bin Laden, based on a critical reading of three defining and prominent images in the US public discourse (that circulated worldwide): the Situation Room photo by Pete Souza, a photo-shopped image purporting to show the terrorist’s dead body and the iconic X-ing out of bin Laden on the cover of Time magazine. This reading looks at three dimensions of performative pictures: (1) their success and failure, (2) their self-reflexivity and sociability and (3) their performativity.     

O型口蹄疫疫苗免疫牛抗体消长动态的LPB-ELISA检测

分别按一次免疫、首免后第15 d加强免疫和首免后第60 d加强免疫程序,对3组试验牛(每组牛20头)用O型口蹄疫疫苗进行了免疫。免疫后不同时间点用液相阻断ELISA(LPB-ELISA)测定了免疫牛O型口蹄疫抗体效价。结果,首免后第15 d加强免疫牛和第60 d加强免疫牛抗体水平较高,50%保护牛所占比例分别为56.3%和63.1%,完全受保护的牛所占比例分别为34.3%和29.5%。第60 d加强免疫牛的保护率要高于第15 d加强免疫牛和一次免疫牛的保护率。结果表明,首免后第60 d加强免疫是最理想的免疫程序。     

四川省仔猪球虫病的流行病学调查

20 0 2年 7～ 9月抽样调查了四川省 12个市、县 16个猪场的球虫病流行情况。结果 ,仔猪球虫阳性场占 93.75 % (15 / 16 ) ,仔猪球虫总感染率为 2 5 .36 % (10 7/ 4 2 2 ) ;猪等孢球虫阳性场占87.5 0 % (14 / 16 ) ,猪等孢球虫总感染率为 18.72 % (79/ 4 2 2 ) ;在球虫阳性的仔猪粪样中初步鉴定出5种球虫 ,即粗糙艾美球虫、蒂氏艾美球虫、猪艾美球虫、豚艾美球虫及猪等孢球虫。     

Interpretive Filters: Social Cognition and the Impact of Turning Points in Negotiation

A number of studies have shown that certain events that occur during a negotiation can alter its course. Referred to as "turning points," these events are precipitated by actions taken either outside or inside the talks that have consequences for outcomes. In this article, we report the results of two experiments designed to examine the impacts of two types of precipitating actions, external and internal. In the first experiment, which focused on external actions, we found that crises — as opposed to breakthroughs — produced more movement in negotiations in which parties viewed the social climate positively (high trust, low power). We found that parties achieved less movement in negative social climates (low trust, high power).
In the second experiment, which focused on internal actions, we found that cooperative precipitants (factors inducing change) were more likely to occur when parties negotiated in the context of positive social climates. Negotiation outcomes were also influenced by the climate: we found better individual outcomes for negotiations that occurred in positive climates (high trust, cooperative orientations). Inboth experiments, the social climate of the negotiation moderated the effects of precipitating factors on negotiation outcomes. Perceptions of trust and power filter the way negotiators interpret actions that occur outside or are taken inside a negotiation, which can lead to agreements or impasses.