Administration in a national aboriginal organization: Impacts of cultural adaptations

Abstract: The Aboriginal Healing Foundation, established in 1998, is a self‐governing organization that administers a $350‐million fund for community initiatives across Canada to heal the legacy of physical and sexual abuse in Indian residential schools, including inter‐generational impacts. The foundation is required to adhere to terms of a funding agreement with the federal government, reporting to Indian Residential Schools Resolution Canada, Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Drawing on the Aboriginal Healing Foundation's final report on its first mandate, 1998–2005, this article details adaptations of administrative practice introduced by the foundation, with the objective of clarifying how respect for cultural context can be implemented while maintaining high standards of administrative practice. Modified approaches and their impacts are examined in terms of effectiveness, efficiency and accountability.     

Canada's Indians: norms of responsible government under federalism

Abstract: This study examines the application of norms of responsible government in Indian governments. We discuss Indian Act bands and the ten bands under separate self-government legislation. In addition, the study looks closely at ten self-government proposals involving forty-seven communities that were under negotiation as of April 1991. We measure these twenty cases through a matrix of principles of accountability by governmental fields. These include enacting laws, leadership selection, lands and resources management, financial management, and band membership. The study argues that Canada's Indians do not need to take any lessons from non-Indians on the importance of the accountability of leaders. In many aspects Indian norms of accountability, particularly those in a self-government setting, are more direct and potentially richer in practice than those typically enjoyed by most non-Indian Canadian citizens. The study concludes that the practice of responsible government by Indians deserves its rightful place within the mainstream of the study of public administration in Canada. Sommaire: Cette étude se penche sur l'application aux gouvernements indiens des normes définissant un gouvernement responsable. Elle discute des bandes qui relèvant de la Loi sur les Indiens et des dix bandes qui sont sous le coup de mesures législatives distinctes d'auto-gouvernement. De plus, elle examine de près dix propositions gouvernementales mettant enjeu 47 collectivités et qui en étaient au stade des négociations en avril 1991. Nous évaluons ces 20 cas grâce à une matrice de principes d'obligation redditionnelle par secteurs gouvernementaux, tels que l'adoption des lois, la sélection des leaders, la gestion des terres, des ressources et des fonds, et l'appartenance aux bandes. L'étude soutient que les Canadiens non-indiens n'ont pas de leçons à donner aux Indiens du Canada sur l'importance de la responsabilisation des leaders. À bien des égards, les normes d'obligation redditionnelle des Indiens -surtout dans un contexte d'auto-gouvernement - sont plus directes et potentiellement plus riches sur le plan pratique que celles en vigueur parmi la plupart des citoyens canadiens non-indiens. L'étude conclut que les Indiens ont pleinement droit à un auto-gouvernement capable     

A new model for making Aboriginal policy? Evaluating the Kelowna Accord and the promise of multilevel governance in Canada

Government policy‐making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy‐making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavily on political agency. Meaningful and enduring change to Aboriginal policy‐making will therefore likely require significant institutional adjustments to the Canadian federation.     

The quest for accountability in Newfoundland and Labrador

Abstract: This article examines the meaning of accountability in the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador from both a substantive and a procedural perspective; the three distinct eras in the province's political administration history; the stages in the statutory evolution of the comptroller and auditor function; the province's experience in the Confederation era with the concept of democratic accountability; and the prospects for the future of accountability. The author reveals that the auditor's department or office went for most of a century with little in the way of institutional independence. Government has been hostile to both the extension of the accoutrements of legislative accountability in general and to the notion of increasing the powers of the auditor. What limited independence was mustered and the few challenges raised towards the government of the day were as a result of the professional ethics of Newfoundland auditors, the aid of other federal and provincial auditors, and the spirit of the age. Even in the modem day, Newfoundland has plenty more leeway for reform. The article presents four scenarios of alternative futures for accountability and the auditor general function in the province. One features no change, and the other three contemplate the victories of the independence lobby, the managerialist lobby, and the democratic lobby. Sommaire: Cet article examine la signification de l'imputabilité du gouvernement dc Terre‐Neuve et du Labrador simultanément selon une perspective de fond et une perspective procédurale, les trois périodes distinctes de l'histoire de l'administration politique de cette province, les étapes de l'évolution statutaire de la fonction de contrôleur et de vérificateur l'expérience de la province à 1'époque de la Confédération en ce qui conceme le concept d'imputabilité démocratique et les perspectives d'avenir de l'imputabilité. Les auteurs relèvent que le service ou le Bureau du Vérificateur a pendant près d'un siècle très peu connu d'indépendance institutionnelle. Le gouvemement a été hostile à l'extension de l'imputabilité législative en général, tout autant qu'à accroître les pouvoirs du Vérificateur. L'indépendance limitée et les rares défis soumis au gouvernement du jour ont résulté de l'éthique professionnelle des vérificateurs de Terre‐Neuve, de l'assistance d'autres vérificateurs fédéraux et provinciaux et de l'esprit de l'époque. Même en ces temps modernes, Terre‐Neuve a beaucoup plus de marge de manaeuvre pour entreprendre des réformes. L'article présente quatre scénarios d'altematives en ce qui concerne l'imputabilité et la fonction générale de Vérificateur dam la province. L'un ne prévoit aucun changernent et les trois autres entrevoient les victoires du lobby de l'indépendance, du lobby gestionnariste et du lobby démocratique.     

Who speaks for whom? Implementing the Crown's duty to consult in the case of divided Aboriginal political structures

The Supreme Court of Canada has determined that the Crown has a duty to consult Aboriginal peoples on government decisions that may adversely affect their rights, but the Court did not define who the Crown should consult on behalf of Aboriginal people when two or more groups claim the right to speak for them. For government officials attempting to fulfil the Crown's duty, this can create challenges. This article reviews the jurisprudence and scholarly commentary to provide some guidance to government officials on how to effectively implement the Crown's duty to consult as a practical matter of public administration.     

Appraising Canada's 1979 Indian Health Policy: Informing co-development of distinctions-based Indigenous health legislation

Aiming to improve the health of First Nations in 1979, the federal government implemented the Indian Health Policy to strengthen community development and the relationship with First Nations peoples, and nurture a trilateral relationship in the healthcare landscape. The Indian Health Policy remains the foundation for First Nations health policy and program development today, even without ever having an implementation plan. We critically appraise the Indian Health Policy to identify gaps and evaluate its impact and progress on subsequent policy evaluations, developments, and recent events in light of the new distinctions-based Indigenous health legislation underway. Based on our findings, we provide recommendations to inform the federal government's efforts to co-develop distinctions-based Indigenous health legislation.     

Administrative devolution and accountability: the case of the non-profit housing program

Abstract: The problem of bureaucratic accountability has received considerable attention in the literature of public administration, but few studies have considered the extent to which extra-governmental agencies are held accountable to governments or legislatures. This paper examines administrative devolution and the problem of accountability, using the non-profit housing program as an example. It argues that devolution of programs, without adjusting for the resulting loss of bureaucratic control, leaves governments with little information about, or control over, the people who make decisions about large expenditures of public funds. It concludes that if the advantages of using the voluntary sector for social service delivery are to outweigh the problems of reduced accountability, forms of control -such as incentives for compliance and internal professional standards - which do not limit the autonomy of these groups, but which can enhance pre-audit accountability, need to be developed. Sommaire: Si le problème de la responsabilité bureaucratique a fait I'objet de nombreuses études dans les textes de I'administration publique, peu d'entre elles, en revanche, ont pris en considération la mesure dans laquelle les organismes paragouvernementaux sont tenus de rendre des comptes aux gouvernements ou législatures. Cet article examine la décentralisation administrative et les problèmes de responsabilités, en utilisant comme exemple le programme de logement à but non lucratif. Il suggere que la décentralisation des programmes, sans ajustement qui tienne compte de la perte de contrôle bureaucratique en résultant, laisse les gouvernements avec peu de renseignements ou de contrôle sur les personnes qui prennent des décisions concernant d'importantes dépenses de fonds public. En conclusion, I'auteure dit que, si les avantages résultant de I'utilisation du secteur bénévole pour fournir les services sociaux doivent I'emporter sur les problèmes de diminution de la responsabilité, il faut mettre en place certaines mesures de contrôle (tels les encouragements à se conformer à des normes professionnelles internes), qui ne restreindraient par I'autonomie de ces groupes, mais pourraient accroître la responsabilité avant le contrôle.     

Beyond COVID-19: Five commentaries on expert knowledge,executive action,and accountability in governance and public administration

Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This first suite of commentaries focuses on the executive branch, variously considering: the challenge for governments to balance demands for accountability and learning while rethinking policy mixes as social solidarity and expert knowledge increasingly get challenged; how the policy-advisory systems of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and United Kingdom were structured and performed in response to the COVID-19 crisis; whether there are better ways to suspend the accountability repertoires of Parliamentary systems than the multiparty agreement struck by the minority Liberal government with several opposition parties; comparing the Canadian government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Global Financial Crisis and how each has brought the challenge of inequality to the fore; and whether the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated or disrupted digital government initiatives, reinforced traditional public administration values or more open government.     

Conscience and conformity: the uncomfortable bedfellows of accountability

Abstract: The theme of this paper is that the proliferation of service-wide controls and the emphasis on conformity with centrally prescribed rules and policies have seriously damaged the free play of conscience and discretion in the value system of the federal civil service. Managerial behaviour, as a consequence, now responds excessively to accountability to others, defined as “dependent accountability,” and insufficiently to individual conscience, defined as “independent accountability.” The author deplores this direction in the culture of the federal bureaucracy and gives examples of how the dominance of conformity over conscience impedes productivity and erodes managerial morale. Sommaire: Selon cet article, la prolifération des contrôles au niveau des services et l'importance attachée à la conformité des règles et politiques édictées par les organismes centraux ont porté très sérieusement atteinte au libre jeu de la conscience et de la discrétion dans le système de valeurs de la fonction publique fédérale. En conséquence, le comportement des gestionnaires est trop conditionné par l'imputabilité vis-à-vis d'autrui, ce que l'on appelle “l'imputabilite dépendante”, et ne l'est pas assez par le contrôle de la conscience individuelle, “l'imputabilité indépendante”. L'auteur déplore cette orientation de la culture de la bureaucratie fédérale et montre par des exemples comment la suprématie de la conformité sur la conscience diminue la productivité et érode le moral des gestionnaires.     

The Al-Mashat affair: administrative accountability in parliamentary institutions

Abstract: The article approaches the Canadian federal government's handling of the Al-Mashat affair in May and June of 1991 as a case study in direct administrative accountability. The author begins with a discussion of the main lines of political control under responsible government, writing as a partisan for the traditional doctrines of collective and individual ministerial responsibility. A number of questions emerging from this discussion are then posed as probes into the case: was an important minister effectively shielded; was blame ever allocated in a convincing way; were the criteria of natural justice respected in both internal actions and in the House of Commons' Standing Committee on External Affairs and International Trade; were democratic controls over political and administrative action respected? It is the author's conclusion that the government's strategy to deflect its accountability onto a senior career official and a political chief of staff failed on all these counts and several more, as well. Perhaps the most important of these is the politicization of officials. Another disturbing element that the case reveals is a willingness to arrogate new powers and liberties to the executive. Sommaire: Cet article examine la reaction du gouvernement fédéral Canadian dams I'af-faire Al-Mashed, en mai et juin 1991, pour faire une étude de cas fort intéressante sur I'imputabilité administrative directe. L'auteur discute tout d'abord des grandes lignes du contrôle politique du gouvernement responsible, du point de vue d'un partisan des doctrines traditionnelles de responsabilité ministérielle collective et individuelle. L'auteur arrive alors à un certain nombre de questions qui permitting d'explorer plus loin ce cas: un minister important a-t-il en fait été protég? Le blâime dans cette affaire a-t-il jamais été attribué de manière convaincante? Les critères de la justice naturelle ont-ils été respectés aussi bien dans le cadre des mesures internes qu'au Comité permanent de la Chamber des Communes chargé des affaires extérieures et du commerce international? Les contrôles déocratiques régissant les activités politiques et administratives ont-ils été appliqués? L'auteur en arrive à la conclusion que, à tous ces égards et sur bien dautres points encore, la stratégie suivie par le gouvemement pour rejeter ses respon-sabilités sur un haut fonctionnaire et sur un chef de personnel politique fut un échec. L'élément le plus important est peut-être la politisation des fonctionnaires. L'autre élément contestable revélé dans cette affaire est l'inclination à attribuer de nouveaux pouvoirs et Iibertés à 1'Exécutif.     

Technical decisions and public accountability

Abstract. The paper focuses on Canadian decisions involving technical issues. The inherent difficulties associated with the application of technical advice and the need to secure public accountability for related government action are both discussed. It is suggested specifically that although there has been a significant governmental response to the problem of man-made hazards, much remains to be achieved. The general difficulties with the concepts of ‘public accountability’ and ‘technical advice’ are reviewed, and some observations are made on the idea of ‘risk’ The particular Canadian problems dealt with include those derived from the constitutional and overall political situation. The case of asbestos is introduced especially to illustrate inter-provincial inadequacies. Intra-provincial shortcomings are brought out by reference to the dangers resulting from lead. Note is taken of the limitations imposed by the legal system, and of the issues precipitated by Canada's industrial structure. The foreign policy dimension is recognized. The vinyl chloride issue is used to illustrate the long-term and yet fundamental nature of many risks. Recommendations are finally made concerning the roles of the Environmental Advisory Council and of the National Research Council's Associate Committee on Scientific Criteria for Environmental Quality, and an attempt is made to identify the detailed responsibilities which should fall to the federal government, both in regard to general and occupational standards covering man-made hazards, and more generally in regard to all the ways in which the general and specific publics can be safeguarded. Sommaire. L'auteur traite plus particulièrement des décisions relatives aux questions techniques. Il expose les difficultés inhérentes à l'application des conseils techniques et le besoin d'assurer le droit de regard du public sur les mesures gouvernementales. Il considère en particulier, qu'en dépit de la réaction positive du gouvernement face au problème des risques d'origine humaine, il reste encore beaucoup a faire. Il examine les difficultés générales que présentent les concepts du « droit de regard du public » et des « conseils techniques » et il présentent certaines observations sur la notion de » risque ». Les problèmes plus particulièrement canadiens dont il s'occupe sont la consequence de la situation constitutionnelle et de la situation politique générale. Il utilise le cas de l'amiante pour illustrer les carences interprovinciales. Ces mêmes carences sont évidentes, également, si l'on considère les dangers que présente le plomb. Il prend note des limites imposées par la loi et les problèmes posés par la structure industrielle du Canada. Il reconnait aussi la dimension politique étrangère. L'auteur se sert de la question du chlorure de vinyle pour illustrer le caractère à long terme et pourtant fondamental d'un grand nombre de dangers. Il fait des recommandations quant aux rôles du Conseil consultatif sur l'environnement et du comité du cnr sur les normes scientifiques pour la qualité de l'environnement. Il dégage enfin les différentes responsabilités du government fédéral, quant aux normes générales et professionnelles couvrant les risques créés par l'homme et, d'une façon plus large, quant aux moyens de protéger le public, qu'il s'agisse du grand public ou de groupes particuliers.     

Searching for accountability in a government without boundaries

Abstract: Establishing organizational boundaries to define responsibilities within government, along with clear lines of hierarchy, has shaped our machinery of government. Boundaries have been essential for defining distinct and specific roles for politicians and public servants. However, boundaries are creating a new world that opens up government to outsiders and increasingly calls for shared policy and administrative space within government. The policy‐making process within government is now much more horizontal, porous and complex, while decision‐making has become consultative. Boundaries have been affected by several factors, including the arrival of e‐government, the increasingly complex and interconnected nature of public policy issues, the rise of interest groups, and new organizational sites. The implications for political actors and public servants, for citizens and the concept of accountability, are far‐reaching. Sommaire: L'établissement de frontières organisationnelles pour définir les respon‐sabilités au sein du gouvernement, ainsi que les lignes hiérarchiques transparentes ont façonné notre appareil gouvernemental. Cela a été déterminant pour établir un espace distinct et prévoir des rôes particuliers pour les politiques et les fonctionnaires. Cependant, les frontières sont en train de céder la place à un nouveau monde qui ouvre le gouvernement aux agents extérieurs et exige de plus en plus le partage d'un espace politique et administratif au sein du gouvemcment. Le processus d'élaboration de politiques au sein du gouvernement est maintenant beaucoup plus horizontal, perméable et complexe tandis que la prise de décisions est devenue consultative. Les frontières ont été attaquées sur plusieurs fronts, entre autres par l'arrivée du gouvernement électronique, la nature de plus en plus complexe et interconnectée des questions de politique publique, la montée des groupes d'intérêt et des nouveaux sites organisationnels. Les implications pour les acteurs politiques et les fonctionnaires, pour les citoyens et le concept de reddition de comptes sont lour‐des de conséquences.     

An analysis of changes in stakeholder accountability among Canadian WCBs: 1998–2008

Abstract: Many essential public services in Canada have been delegated to agencies. The semi-autonomous nature of these agencies, often operating at arm's-length from government, leads to difficulties in holding them sufficiently accountable. Of the many public-sector agencies in Canada, workers' compensation boards (WCBs) are arguably the most autonomous in comparison to other government agencies such as health care and social services. In their article, derived from an earlier background paper written in 1998, Therese Jennissen, Michael Prince and Saul Schwartz (2000) called for increased WCB accountability to elected officials. The aim of the current article is, first, to conduct a document review to determine the extent to which the recommendations made by Jennissen and her colleagues have been adopted at the national level and, secondly, through a case study, to examine the implications of these changes at the Newfoundland Workplace Health, Safety and Compensation Commission, where many of the recommendations have been implemented.     

Comparing accountability relationships between governments and non‐state actors in Canadian and European international development policy

This article examines the alignment of different governance arrangements and alternative accountability mechanisms in international development policy making in Canada and the European Union (EU), with a particular focus on relationships between governments and non‐governmental organizations. The Canadian case illustrates an entrepreneurial mode of governance that aligns with fiscal auditing and performance management mechanisms, while the networked governance model of the EU relies more heavily on accountability instruments of public reporting and deliberation. The article concludes that the European accountability regime likely provides policy makers with more opportunities for social policy learning but would be difficult to implement in Canada given the underlying action logic of the federal government.     

Rethinking accountability in complex and horizontal network delivery systems

This paper revisits the conventional notion of accountability rooted in bureaucratic and hierarchical structures of government and advances an alternative conceptualization more useful for analyzing complex horizontal network delivery systems. Although such systems are increasingly prevalent, they often exacerbate the problem of accountability in the public sector. By examining regional economic development policy implementation in Manitoba, this article illustrates the prospects and challenges of adapting conventional constructs of accountability to horizontal network delivery systems.     

基层政府公共服务供给的问题与对策:基于上海的研究

基层政府的公共服务能力和社会管理能力是服务型政府建设中的重要一环,提升基层政府公共服务能力是行政体制改革的重要战略部署。本文结合上海区县、街镇的实际,梳理了当前基层公共服务存在的较突出问题,并剖析了造成这些问题的各种因素。目前制约基层公共服务能力既有主观原因,也有客观原因;既有理念问题,也有体制问题,提高政府服务能力需要从多方面着手。在此基础上,针对性地提出了对策性建议和意见。     

The snakes and ladders of accountability: Contradictions between contracting and collaboration for Canada's voluntary sector

Abstract: Although governing in Canada is in transition towards a model of horizontal “governance” that emphasizes collaboration with a variety of non‐governmental actors, the contracting culture and its associated accountability regime remain a legacy of “new public management.” As part of this transition, however, contracting is being used not only as a means to control performance but also as a governance tool to guide the development of more collaborative relationships between government as a whole and entire sectors. In its relationship with the voluntary sector, the Government of Canada is caught in these contradictory trends ‐ between the control of contracting and the collaboration inherent in a governance contract. This article first examines the impact on voluntary organizations of the very stringent federal rneasures over contribution agreements that were brought in as a reaction to crisis in 2000. The effects are found to be significant and overwhelmingly negative, imposing direct financial costs on voluntary organizations and stifling innovation. The authors then consider whether the implementation of the Accord Between the Government of Canada and the Voluntary Sector and its Code of Good Practice on Funding might mitigate the negative effects of these accountability measures. Sommaire: S'il est vrai que le Canada s'oriente vers un modèle de « gouvemance horizontale « privilégiant la collaboration avec différents acteurs non‐gouvernementaux, la culture de marchés (contrats) et le régime d'imputabilité qui I'accompagne n'en demeurent pas moins un legs de la nouvelle gestion publique. Toutefois, dans le cadre de cette transition, les marchés (contrats), en plus de servir de moyen de contrôler le rendement, sont aussi un outil de gouvernance pour accroître la collaboration entre le gouvernement dam son ensemble et des secteurs tout entiers. Dam sa relation avec le secteur bénévole, le gowernement du Canada est pris dans ces tendances contradictoires ‐ entre le contrôle des marchés (contrats) et la collabordtion inhérente à un contrat de gouvernance. L'article se penche en premier sur l'incidence pour les organismes bénévoles des mesures contraignantes imposées par le gouvernement fédéral relativement aux ententes de contribution introduites pour fairc face a la crise qui a sévi en 2000. Ces impacts sont à la fois considérables et des plus négatifs, imposant des frais de financement directs aux organismes bénévoles et suffoquant l'innovation. Les auteurs cherchent ensuite a déterminer si la mise en application de l'accord passé entre le gouvernement du Canada et le secteur bénévole et son Code de boMes pratiques de financement pourraient atténuer certains effets négatifs de ces mesures d'imputabilité.     

The privatization of housing assistance: Are housing allowances eroding government accountability?

A major change in the low‐income housing sector across nations has been the introduction of housing allowances (or vouchers/benefits) typically used on private rental markets. This change is a fundamental shift from post‐war housing policy when government was a main provider through publicly owned housing. This “privatization” is usually associated with the New Public Management. This article addresses this policy change and discusses the implications for the accountability of governments in Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta. This article argues that the policy shift from in‐kind to in‐cash has not eroded accountability due to the distinctiveness of housing assistance, compared to other social programs. Actors involved in the housing community continue to challenge governments with regard to consumption subsidies, emphasizing their flaws and imperfections. The argument is empirically probed through a comparative analysis over 50 years, drawing on government archival records and housing advocates’ publications.     

基于绩效的行政问责长效机制：国外经验及中国的路径选择

本文结合国内现状和国际经验，从文化和制度两个层面，探讨了如何建立行政问责的长效机制，使“问责风暴”走向“问责常态”。具体包括：倡导新型官场文化，强化行政主体责任意识；培育完善公民社会，增强公众问责意识；明确职责划分，严格权责对等；健全法律法规，实现“制度问责”；强化监督机制，加强监督力度；加强配套制度建设，完善问责机制等。     

“互联网+政务服务”的绩效评估与问责体系构建

“互联网+政务服务”的深入推进,需要评估和问责体系为其提供制度支持。“互联网+政务服务”评估的价值标准是价值理性和工具理性的统一,内容构成兼具组织价值、经济价值和社会价值,评估指标选择应从政治支持、信息透明度、可量化程度、评估目的、评估的开放性以及制度化水平等六个方面综合考量。“互联网+政务服务”的问责机制包括公民参与的社会问责,基于政务运行管理的行政问责,面向项目评估的绩效问责等三个方面。“互联网+政务服务”的评估与问责密切联系、互为条件,从确立以公众满意度为中心的评估问责导向、加强评估与问责的主体和内容的整合、完善评估问责的制度化建设等三个方面着力,推动两者之间的制度协同,形成相互促进的互动态势。