对科技园区、开发区新建企业建会工作的思考

北京市现有科技园区、开发区的工会组建工作存在的问题，从性质上来划分，可以分为两大类。一是认识上的问题，党政工领导的认识是制约新建企业建会的根本原因；二是体制上的问题，体制不顺的现状导致建会工作的诸多困难。提高认识，理顺体制，是解决新建企业建会问题的当务之急。     

Gender,Care, and the Normalization of Violence: Similarities between Occupational Violence and Intimate Partner Violence in Finland

According to the statistics, violence against women is quite common in Finland, particularly in partner relationships and in care work. The present article looks at the similarities in the ways in which victims of occupational violence in care work and victims of intimate partner violence understand their experiences of violence. The commonalities among interpersonal relations are highlighted in order to offer new insights to the analysis of gender in research on occupational violence. Drawing on empirical data and research literature on the experiences of violence of Finnish women, this article suggests that minimization, naturalization and legitimization of the encountered violence is typical for women in care work as well as for quite ordinary women in their intimate relationships.

The article identifies gendered ideals of caring as an area overlapping and in disjunction with violence at work and at home. These contribute to the ways in which women tend to belittle the impact of violence targeted at them in both these spheres of life. Women are traditionally assumed to be responsible for taking care of others and for maintaining interpersonal relations. In the Finnish context, the responsibility for care is associated with an assumption of endurance that Finnish women show even in violent situations. However, the complexities involved in the phenomenon of interpersonal violence give rise to a need of conceptualizing gender in a more multi‐faceted manner than as a binary opposition between men and women. While analysing the gendered meanings of care we should bear in mind the dynamic nature of gender as a process of signification.     

Violence,agrarian radicalism and electoral politics: Reflections on the Indian people's front

I am concerned here with the political responses of peasants on the social and economic margin and of agricultural labourers. The argument is that there is in India a vital and dynamic peasant activism happening at many levels of social and economic interest including among the rural poor. I want to understand these phenomena in Indian terms and in local terms, in other words, what is happening in the fields and villages where most Indians live. This raises the fundamental issue of the language or idiom in which agrarian politics, that is the politics of dissent, is expressed and the equally important question of who is listening and what is or is not being done in response. I develop these ideas around the experience of the Indian People's Front in the last decade, specifically in Bihar, while focussing on the arena of electoral politics which the IPF entered seriously in 1989.     

中德失业状况比较与工会工作的思考

从德国的社会经济实际状况考察 ,失业率居高不下的主要根源是经济的持续低速增长以及劳动力市场运行中的制度性障碍。中国当前正处于加速经济结构调整时期 ,失业率呈上升趋势 ,这既是传统的计划经济体制造成富余劳动力累积并延后释放的结果 ,也是中国历史上的人口高速增长和过高的劳动力参与率所导致的结果。通过比较分析 ,德国劳动力市场运行中采取的一些具体作法及其产生的负面效应应引起我们的高度重视。工会面对劳动就业的严峻局势 ,应吸取德国的经验和教训 ,在参与劳动力市场的培育和完善过程中 ,特别要着眼于维护职工的长远利益。     

The many lives and deaths of Sofia Kovalevskaia: approaches to women's role in scholarship and culture in grmany at the turn of the twentieth century

This article examines the ways in which the scientific work, life, and death of Sofia Kovalevskaia, the first female professor of mathematics in modern Europe, were represented in approaches to women's role in scholarship and culture in Germany at the turn of the twentieth century. Kovalevskaia's greatest scholarly successes and early death coincided with the period of most intense debate on women's admission to higher education in Germany, and her example came to be extensively discussed by supporters and opponents alike. The various ways in which the story of the woman mathematician was portrayed were symptomatic of what was at stake in the question of women's entry to university in the German Empire.     

The British federation of university women and the status of women in universities, 1907-1939

Abstract

The early 1990s have marked a turning point in the history of the British Federation of University Women (BFUW), which has recently renamed itself the British Federation of Women Graduates, and has had to leave its historic premises in Crosby Hall, Chelsea. This article looks at the origin of the BFUW in the context of feminist concern with women's position in the universities in the first decade of this century. It sketches some of the difficulties faced by the Federation in defining, promoting and defending ‘women's interests’ in the universities and highlights its role in providing a supportive network for women in academic posts.     

Segregation,racism and white women reformers: a transnational analysis, 1840–1912

This article tracks continuities between early nineteenth-century female abolitionism and the role of white women reformers in Britain in the campaigns against segregation and lynch law in the USA, and on behalf of black rights in British colonies in the early twentieth century. It argues the value of a transnational perspective to these questions. More particularly, it explores the working out of the ‘maternalist’ legacy of female abolitionism, and the increasing problematising of ‘blackness’ and ‘Africanness’ in the perspectives of a circle of white women reformers in Britain.     

Pink Chaddis and SlutWalk Couture: The Postcolonial Politics of Feminism Lite

The SlutWalk campaigns around the world have triggered a furious debate on whether they advance or limit feminist legal politics. This article examines the location of campaigns such as the SlutWalk marches in the context of feminist legal advocacy in postcolonial India, and discusses whether their emergence signifies the demise of feminism or its incarnation in a different guise. The author argues that the SlutWalks, much like the Pink Chaddi (panty) campaign in India, provide an important normative and discursive challenge to a specific strand of feminism based on male domination and female subordination in the area of sexuality and also speaks to the emergence of consumer agency in the very heart of pleasure in the neo-liberal moment. It serves as a space clearing gesture, a form of feminism ??lite??, rather than offering a transformative or revolutionary politics, and thus enables the possibility of feminist theoretical positions in a postcolonial context that have hitherto been marginalised or ignored in feminist legal advocacy in India to emerge.     

Women's political participation in inter-war Poland: opportunities and limitations

Abstract

This article analyses women's participation in public lifewithin the framework of the democratic-parliamentarian Polish state (Poland's Second Republic), rebuilt in the wake of the First World War. It examines the activity of women in parliamentary elections in connection with obtaining political rights equal to those enjoyed by men, as well as the role of women's representation in the two male-dominated chambers of Parliament (the Sejm and the Senate). The minimal presence of women in the state apparatus and in political parties and professional organisations is explained in relation to male hostility towards women's active participation in political life, religious opposition (especially from the Catholic Church) and the unwillingness of women themselves to become engaged in ‘pure politics’. Finally, it examines the rapid growth of women's associations (cultural, educational, cooperative, and professional) which, whilst weakly linked to feminism, bonded with competing political parties and blocks. The associations were divided along the lines of national allegiances within the multiethnic state and, during the 1930s in particular (the era of the authoritarian rule of Pi?sudski and the socalled sanacja camp), succumbed to nationalistic tendencies. Nevertheless, it is possible to see women's growing involvement in education and professional careers as a form of participation in public life.     

Masculinity and the Dance of the Dragon: Reading Lovelace Discursively

The exploration and examination of the construction of masculinity is increasingly emerging as an integrated part of the study of gender in society in general, and in the Caribbean in particular. We are constantly in search for new sources of material which tell us about the ways in which men construct their masculinity in Caribbean society. In this paper I draw on the imagery and ideas provided by the literary text. I interrogate the novel The Dragon Can't Dance, written by Trinidadian novelist Earl Lovelace. The writer uses the metaphor of the dragon, the costume donned by the main protagonist Aldrick in the yearly Carnival masquerade, as a mask which disguises the need for Aldrick to confront his own masculinity under poor, urban conditions in Trinidad. In the struggles and confrontations between urban working-class men and women in the community of Calvary in Trinidad, the novelist teases out the different constructions of masculinity in the various characters he portrays. I explore the novel, focusing particularly on the ways in which this construction is embedded in the struggles over issues of identity, ethnicity, reputation and honor. While the novelist is clearly able to read into the mind of the male in society, his renditions of the female are not so incisive. However, this is not a shortcoming as the women, though not as well-rounded characters in the novel, play key roles in the definition and shaping of masculinities. This reading of the novel illustrates that the literary text suggests itself as a critical site for further explorations of the illusive data on gender and especially that on masculinity.     

Social Movements and Marginalized Rural Youth in Brazil,Egypt and Nepal

This article seeks to highlight the evolving trends in the roles of youth in rural social movements, noting that such movements are critical if authorities and more dominant classes in society are to listen to powerless and propertyless rural population groups. It has been argued that the phenomenon of youth participation in rural social movements has passed largely unnoticed by development theory in general and social movements theory in particular. This lacuna is deleterious, not least because the main victims of globalization are the young of impoverished rural families, for whom the choice to remain in agriculture, either as petty commodity producers or as landless labourers, is in terms of economic livelihood becoming increasingly fraught. Indeed, uprooted in large numbers, rural youth may provoke a significant disintegration of the peasantry while adding to the multiplication of social problems in urban areas. Fortunately, the increasing socio-economic marginality of young people in rural areas manifests itself in contemporary social movements struggling for political rights and a secure livelihood base. The article is based, in large part, on case studies in Brazil, Egypt and Nepal.     

State anti‐labor legislation: Texas — A case study

Previous research on the Great Migration in the USA has focused on the economic outcomes of black migrants in the North. In comparison, the economic outcomes of black migrants in the West, particularly during the second wave of the Great Migration that occurred between 1940 and 1970, have not been fully explored in the literature. This article analyzes the occupational mobility of southern-born black male migrants in the West in the 1950s relative to various subgroups residing in the West: western-born white and black males and southern-born white males. Regression results from the 1% 1950 and the 1960 census microdata samples indicate that unlike in the North in the 1910s where southern-born blacks were not as upwardly mobile as northern-born blacks during the first wave of the Great Migration, there was no difference between western-born blacks and southern-born blacks in their probability of getting employed in a particular occupational class in the West in the 1950s, during the second wave of the Great Migration. However, compared to white males, although the majority of black males remained employed in lower-blue-collar occupations (as laborers and service workers), southern-born blacks were successful at increasing their representation in upper-blue-collar occupations (into Crafts/Sales).     

新时代工会参与构建和谐劳动关系面临的挑战及其应对——基于深圳工会试验区改革的分析

构建和谐劳动关系是新时代中国劳动关系发展的方向和目标,而工会作为劳动关系的重要一方,是构建和谐劳动关系的重要参与主体.新时代工会参与构建和谐劳动关系面临着劳动力市场分割、职工群体性事件诱因转变、经济下行压力和中美经贸摩擦的负面影响,以及隐含在"三新"就业中的职工权益保护难题等挑战.面对这些挑战所带来的劳动关系不确定性,...     

特大城市工会创新发展道路实践探索 —— 以工会十六大以来北京工会发展为例

在加快转变经济社会发展方式过程中,北京工会带领广大职工发挥主力军作用,在城市建设过程中,参与社会治理;在逐步完善现代市场经济体系过程中,促进发展成果共建共享。在首都深化改革过程中,北京工会进行了系列变革设计与卓有成效的实践探索,为我国特大城市转型升级过程中如何发挥工会作用,不断创新发展具有中国特色、时代特征的工会工作,提供借鉴参考。     

Women in conversation: a wartime social survey in Melbourne,Australia 1941-43

This article examines the gendered dimensions of relationships in the conduct of a major academic Australian social survey in Melbourne in the early years of the Second World War. Despite its grounding in methodology current in Britain at the time, its execution and outcomes mirrored the gendered and classed nature of the survey, with its male direction, middleclass female interviewers, and largely working-class respondents. The value of ‘women's conversations’ was reflected in the fullness of the findings that were made publicly available in subsequent years.     

浙江构建民营企业和谐劳动关系的“枫桥经验”

如果说“枫桥经验”源自20世纪60年代的农村社会基层治理,那么21世纪以来浙江构建民营企业和谐劳动关系的成功实践,则是“枫桥经验”在工业化时代的创新与发展,可称为“企业劳动关系版枫桥经验”。浙江的基本做法包括：“大调解”挺在前,就近就地预防和调解劳动人事争议,抓早抓小抓苗头;“综治进民企”,强化“基层治理、源头预防”;“非公党建”,以“双强”（党建强、发展强）促“六好”;工会力促劳动者权益保护与企业发展相协调;以对民营企业家综合评价为载体,引领和促进“两个健康”。“五指攥成一个治理拳头”,形塑了浙江构建民营企业和谐劳动关系的“枫桥经验”。在当前复杂多变的经济形势下,强化企业和谐劳动关系,对于预防化解可能出现的社会风险、夯实基层社会治理、促进社会稳定和发展,具有重要意义。     

从现代文明看企业民主管理定位

本文从多方面论述了现代文明的含义、政治文明在社会主义现代文明中的地位与作用、民主与集中的发展程度是政治文明进步与否的主要标志、基层民主政治的内涵、民主管理是基层民主政治建设的核心等论点, 论证了企业民主管理在现代文明中的重要地位, 阐明了企业民主管理的要素构成以及职工代表大会在企业民主管理中所起的主要载体作用。     

The Virtual Speculum in the New World Order

Beginning by reading a 1992 feminist appropriation of Michelangelo's Creation of Adam - in a cartoon in which the finger of a nude Adamic woman touches a computer keyboard, while the god-like VDT screen shows a disembodied fetus - ‘Virtual Speculum’ argues for a broader conception of ‘new reproductive technologies’ in order to foreground justice and freedom projects for differently situated women in the New World Order. Broadly conceptualized reproductive practices must be central to social theory in general, and to technoscience studies in particular. Tying together the politics of self help and women's health movements in the United States in the 1970s with positions on reproductive freedom articulated within the Legal Defense and Educational Fund of the NAACP in the 1990s, the paper examines recent work in feminist science studies in several disciplinary and activist locations. Statistical analysis and ethnography emerge as critical feminist technologies for producing convincing representations of the reproduction of inequality. Untangling the semiotic and political-economic dialectics of invisibility and hypervisibility, ‘Virtual Speculum’ concludes by linking the well-surveyed amniotic fluid of on-screen fetuses and the off-frame diarrhea of uncounted and underfed infants in regimes of flexible accumulation and structural adjustment.     

Self-attitudes and deviant behavior: The case of the charismatic religious movement

Hypotheses are tested concerning the relationship between level of and changes in self-attitudes on the one hand and the adoption of membership in the charismatic religious movement on the other hand. The hypotheses are derived from a general theory of deviant behavior. Subjects (generally aged 13–25) were 65 members of a local charismatic religious group and a comparison group of 47 members of three, more traditional urban Protestant churches. Self-attitudes were measured by a self-derogation scale responded to with reference to two points in time: the present and 6 months to 1 year prior to the test administration. The three hypotheses were supported. (1) The charismatic subjects, relative to the comparison subjects, displayed significantly higher levels of self-derogation at the time of adopting membership in the charismatic group. (2) Individuals who adopted membership in the charismatic cults, relative to the comparison group, displayed a significantly greater tendency to decrease the level of self-derogation between the earlier point in time and the point in time when the subjects were interviewed. (3) Significantly greater decrease in self-derogation on the part of the charismatic cult subjects resulted in comparable levels of selfderogation for the charismatic and comparison groups at the time of the interview.Received M.D. from the University of Ottawa in 1960, did his fellowship in psychiatry in Mayo Clinic, 1968–1970, and is a fellow of the American Board of Neurology and Psychiatry (1973). Major interest is religion and psychiatry.Received Ph.D. in sociology from New York University in 1958. Current research interests are social psychiatry and, more specifically, the reciprocal relationship berween self-attitudes and the adoption of deviant response patterns.