美国主流媒体视野中的中日领土争端问题研究——以《纽约时报》(1980～2010年)为例

塑造良好的国家形象,营造客观友善的国际舆论环境,是一个国家开展外交的重要内容。无论是从战略角度还是从国家利益的角度,中日双边关系对中国来说均举足轻重,但是双边领土争端问题却成为横亘在两国政府和民间的重要障碍。无论是中国的对日政策还是日本的对华政策,都离不开美国因素的干扰,而媒体舆论又是美国政府对外政策制定的重要背景因素,因此,本文搜集了1980～2010年美国主流媒体《纽约时报》关于中日领土争端议题的98篇新闻报道,并对其进行了系统的梳理、研究和分析,力图再现时代条件制约下美国大众传播媒体有关中日双边关系的评论。     

东盟国家间领土争端的解决:做法、争论与启示

在遇到领土争端问题时,东盟成员国没有诉诸于《东南亚友好合作条约》规定的高级委员会,而是诉诸于国际法院.虽然这一举措并没有违背《东南亚友好合作条约》的规定,但却引起了学者们关于东盟机制作用的争论.国际法院的判决就东盟国家间领土的主权归属做出了明确的判决,但也激起了失利一方强烈的民族情绪.东盟国家间解决领土争端的做法及其结果启示我们:解决复杂国际问题的最好办法还是在于政治解决.而这正是东盟所一直倡导的原则和做法.     

Public Opinion in Japan and the Nationalization of the Senkaku Islands

This article examines the role of public opinion in Japan in directly influencing the Japanese government’s decision to nationalize the Senkaku Islands in 2012. The public mood in Japan is becoming increasingly nationalistic. Although this does not immediately mean the return of militarism in the country, such a mood is especially evident with respect to China. The nationalization of the Islands took place within this nationalistic domestic environment. In the case of the nationalization, public opinion was channeled most notably through Tokyo Governor Ishihara. His plan to purchase the Islands and strong public support for his plan eventually forced the central government’s intervention. Prime Minister Noda simply could not force Ishihara to give up his plan because going against such a popular politician who was enjoying strong public support would almost certainly have caused a strong public backlash and resulted in electoral punishment. On the other hand, Noda was also concerned that Tokyo’s successful acquisition of the Islands would lead to severe criticism of his government for not properly protecting Japan’s territorial integrity. There was also a more serious concern that Ishihara’s control of the Islands might lead to a change of the status quo and thus dangerously provoke China. Therefore, Noda had no choice but to intervene and nationalize the Islands. If he was also seeking to mobilize public opinion in his favor, he was not entirely successful.     

Public Opinion Surveys and USA Foreign Policy Towards Latin America in the Second World War

In this paper, the roles of public opinion polls and agency in foreign policymaking are examined. Based on documents uncovered from the National Archives and Rockefeller Archive Center, this paper presents a more comprehensive picture of the history of public opinion surveys and the shaping of US bureaucracy in their relation to foreign affairs. Further, the paper contends that policymakers are interested in public views pertaining to foreign policy issues, but that private interests (serving their own interpretations of national interest) shape public views, using new techniques as guiding tools.     

东盟国家处理海域争端的方式及其对解决南海主权争端的启示

东盟国家在解决南海以外的海域争端时,基本上采用以下三种方式:对争议海域进行共同开发;通过提交国际法院裁决;武力对抗加政治谈判。从实践来看,不同方式取得了不同的效果。近年来,东盟部分成员国采用不同方式不断侵占中国的南海海域,使南海问题呈现越来越复杂的态势。中国在南海主权争端中,面临来自东盟国家的巨大挑战,如何解决南海海域争端已成为中国与部分东盟国家面临的最棘手问题。东盟国家解决海域争端的方式,对于解决南海主权争端提供了一定的启示。     

商品经济的发展与日本近世身份制度的动摇

近世日本通过政治强制建立起来的身份制度以保障武士、领主和德川幕府的利益为根本旨归,而商品经济的发展却导致了武士的贫困化和豪农豪商的崛起,这种经济实力的逆转使近世日本的身份制度走向动摇,武士的优位因缺少经济力量的支撑而难以得到保障,下级武士在经济利益和思想意识上与豪农豪商日益一致,并在幕末民族危机的历史背景下结成联盟,成为推翻德川幕府的重要力量。     

Digital Rank-and-file: Party Activists' Perceptions and Use of the Internet

Political parties are in a transitional phase. A declining, socially restricted membership, decreasing levels of activism and a shift towards more individualistic modes of political engagement threaten the linkage role that parties have played in modern democracy. The development of the Internet in a period of change has meant that it quickly became intertwined with debates about reviving representative political organisations. Using data from a survey of party activists in the UK (N = 4,770), this article answers questions about the perception and use of new media by party activists, the Internet's potential for members' participation and engagement and the penetration of the Internet in pre-existing political careers. In general, the article asks which role new media are playing in the transition of political parties.     

Slovak Perceptions of the Ottoman Legacy in Eastern Europe

In recent years there has been much debate about whether the activities of missionaries were an act of religious altruism or a medium of cultural expansion and a preparation for political involvement. The American expedition occurred during the early years of modern Western – as yet mainly British, French and Russian – penetration of the Ottoman realms. The immediate effect was to draw the East into the rapidly expanding capitalist world economy while containing the ambitions of rival powers in order to prepare for the Sublime Porte's ultimate dismemberment. This phase of missionary activity represented something extraordinary, because the Americans were attempting to impose their kind of Christianity, namely, Protestantism, on communities which had been Christian well before the Christian American identity came into being. This article examines the formation of the American Protestant missionaries' activities in Anatolia; missionaries' evaluations of events within the Empire, and their relations with the Armenians will be the focus of the analysis. In other words, attention will be drawn to how the missionary enterprise fostered Armenian nationalism by introducing Western political ideals and promoting Armenian cultural identity through education and the press discussed. Rather than examining the Armenian Question, this paper will trace the genesis of Armenian nationalism through the Boards' Protestant Anatolia vision.     

Appendix B: Koreans in Japan and the DPRK

Abstract

It is not often that an entire group of people change their minds on a foreign policy issue, at least within a short space of time. On Kampuchea, this did occur around 1978, when most of those who had previously sympathized with the Khmer Rouge declared their disillusionment. It meant admitting that there was much truth to the militant anti-communists' well-publicized case against the Khmer Rouge, who were indeed one of history's most brutal regimes. In the same period, however, as Michael Vickery has shown in “Democratic Kampuchea—CIA to the Rescue,” many of the same anti-communists suddenly dropped their opposition to the Khmer Rouge, whom they now saw as a useful opponent of Vietnamese communism.     

The Russian Election of 1993: Public Opinion and the Transition Experience

Two British specialists on Russia report the results of a nationwide survey of 2,030 Russian adults, randomly chosen from each of 50 provinces of the Russian Federation. A survey instrument containing 300 questions was administered in face-to-face interviews during summer 1993, and explored attitudes toward the market, privatization, social order, minority rights, and nationalism. Testing three alternative explanations for the results of the December 1993 Russian elections, the authors present a nuanced argument that the Russian public has been drawing negative lessons about market democracy from the transition itself, as experienced since January 1992. A higher voter turnout, they find, would have augmented the strength of anti-government parties and candidates. Journal of Economic literature, Classification Numbers: H19, P29     

Turkish Tourism at the Door of Europe: Perceptions of Image in Historical and Contemporary Perspectives

This article deals with press coverage of the 1942 Wealth tax and focuses on the Turkish press's use of a discriminatory discourse against non-Muslim minorities to designate non-Muslims as other than Turkish. More specifically, this article analyses linguistic and discursive strategies adopted by the press in reporting on the Wealth tax. The press attempted to explain the tax on non-Muslims that aimed to liquidate non-Muslims' wealth as a tax that would establish social justice by making war profiteers and black-marketeers pay the government what was due. By adopting various linguistic devices and discursive strategies, the press played a significant role in the construction of meaning through a related set of assumptions about non-Muslims and Turkishness embedded within news reports on the Wealth tax. This critical analysis of power and inequality in language reveals the dominant discriminatory discourse of Turkish nationalism as manifested in the coverage of the Wealth tax and the role of the press in the reproduction of the hegemonic discourse connected to Turkish national identity and the criteria governing exclusion from it.     

论东日本大地震对在日华侨华人未来发展走向的影响

3·11东日本大地震以及由此引发的海啸和核泄漏,给在日华侨华人造成了新的迷茫和困惑.战后日本长期以社会稳定与经济繁荣而为人称道,而现今的日本是否还是值得留恋的宜居之地?在日华侨华人面临着新的抉择.日本《中文导报》与笔者的“问卷调查”显示:尽管感到在日本生活幸福的华侨华人的比例,与地震前相比,基本没有太大变化,但分析问卷结果,可以预测在不久的将来会出现留日学生减少、新华侨华人归国人数增多的现象,日本华侨华人社会将面临成长停滞或规模萎缩的可能.     

Japan and China: Security interests in the post-Cold War era

This article examines the role of Japan in relation to China’s security interests in the post-Cold War era. The first section assesses Japan as a potential security threat to China at a time when Japan appears to be re-emerging as a great power. It analyzes the possible rise of nationalism in Japan today, including discussion of China’s dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands. The second section looks at how Japan can actually enhance China’s security interests, particularly in the economic sphere. Japan’s contribution to China’s modernization drive is assessed. It is argued that Japan seems to enhance China’s security interests more than it poses a threat, partly because of the economic benefits China derives from trading with Japan, and partly because Japanese foreign policy has hitherto been kept in check by the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty.     

Japan in the coming century: Looking East or West?

The modernization of Japan's trade policies and social structure, argues Professor Ronald Dore of the London School of Economics, will increase Japan's social instability. The continuation of the outdated Japan‐US alliance, he states, only inhibits the growth of the international order; he warns that the day may come when Japan's interests lie with China rather than the US. Dore advocates that Japan adopt a proactive foreign policy, using military force not for reasons of national interest, but only to contribute to the peaceful settlement of international conflicts.