论美国枪支管制运动的发展及前景

本文对枪支管制这一在美国社会中极具争议的问题的由来、发展及前景等进行了探讨.文章认为,枪支问题的出现,是由美国早期特殊的历史积淀而造就的.当代枪支管制运动从20世纪60年代兴起,曲折发展,经历了不同的历史阶段.目前美国社会关于枪支管制的争论,涉及到公民权利、政府权力与公共秩序维护之间的关系问题,而文化传统、价值观念、法定权利、利益集团政治和党派之争等多种因素也交织其中,显得异常复杂.因此,美国的枪支管制运动将是一个曲折、渐进而漫长的过程.     

1970年以后韩国妇女运动的发展与变化

20世纪70年代韩国妇女运动兴起,开展修改家族法的运动和反对性旅游的运动以及改善女工劳动条件和待遇的斗争。80年代,韩国女性创建多个左派妇女团体,妇女运动走向联合,展现出妇女运动集结的力量。90年代,妇女运动采取社会性别主流化战略,成功地制定和修改诸多女性相关法律,年轻的女性主义运动小组崭露头角,妇女运动趋向多样化。2000年以后,展开以废除户主制为核心的妇女运动,互联网上的妇女运动也活跃,而且边缘女性群体也展开了各种活动。     

印尼非暴力运动的发展及其特征

非暴力运动在印尼的政治发展中具有重要作用.这突出表现在苏哈托下台及威权政治结束的历史性转折过程之中.本文认为,学生组织是非暴力运动的激进力量和主要参与者,他们发动的民众运动产生了巨大的政治和社会压力,直接影响了反对党和伊斯兰教组织中的反对派政治精英的立场,加速了苏哈托政权内部的分崩离析和苏哈托的下台.但是,印尼的非暴力运动也具有相当的局限性:反对力量发展缓慢,在斗争目标和策略上较为保守,始终未能形成统一的反政府联盟.这就决定了后苏哈托时代的印尼民主化将是通过合法途径逐步改革的长期渐进过程.     

Omo onile and Violence in Real Estate Development in Lagos,Nigeria

This study examines the influence of omo onile (literally meaning “the child of the landowner”) on real estate development in Lagos, Nigeria. the land sale-associated violence is one significant challenge to estate development in Lagos. Quantitative and qualitative data were collected, which were analysed at three levels, and content analysed respectively. Logistic regression results indicated that respondents who admitted that omo onile had a negative impact on real estate were five times more likely to disengage in real estate investment, relative to those who noted no significant effects. The study concludes that unfair access to land adversely impacts on real estate development. therefore, the government should dismantle legislative impediments, control omo onile and strengthen community frameworks for access to land in Lagos.     

The Migrant Workers' Movement in the Democratic Consolidation of Korea

This paper traces the rise of the migrant workers' movement in Korea and the conditions of their collective actions in the militant tradition of Korean democratisation. It does this with a focus on the causes of militancy and its similarities to and differences from the characteristics of Korean democratisation. This paper argues that some defects of the political system, the role of oppressive government policy, and intervention of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are the combined reason for migrant worker militancy. However, this militant trend faces the challenge of the judicialisation of politics as democratic consolidation has been deepened and the legal order of society is emphasised. Judicialisation requires reconsideration on how to maximise one's interest through legal procedure rather than militant struggle. Such a legal approach, however, again confronts a dilemma in which simply following legal procedure will not generate any change in existing laws. Furthermore, according to various cleavage lines such as labour vs. capital, national vs. non-national, and native vs. foreign cultures, the priority of struggles in migrant workers and support groups has been differentiated into labour rights, political rights, and cultural rights. In this situation, the migrant workers' movement should be sensitive to locate its future agenda considering the needs of migrants as well as the changing context of Korean society.     

中国武术运动在韩国的发展现状分析及思考

韩国跆拳道运动在世界和中国得到了很好的发展,并于2000年的悉尼奥运会成为正式的比赛项目,尤其是跆拳道道馆（俱乐部）经营理念,已经成了跆拳道核心的理论。同样和韩国跆拳道运动一样被称为“博大精深”的中国武术运动在韩国的发展现状如何,笔者2010年担任韩国国家武术队教练期间,采用文献资料、专家访谈、综合分析等方法,对中国武术在韩国的发展现状做了直观的、详尽的调查和分析。结果显示中国竞技武术在韩国得到了较好的发展,但传统武术和竞技武术也存在一些问题。本文同时为中国武术的国际化发展提供一定参考。     

Art in Nigeria

The author, who is British Council representative in the WesternProvinces, wishes to thank Mr. K. C. Murray for checking thedetails on some of the older art-forms. He also wishes to acknowledgethe assistance of the magazine Nigeria, Mr. E. H. Duckworth,for some of the facts and figures. It is regretted that it isnot possible to illustrats this article.     

Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria: The international dimension

The terrorist group Boko Haram, or the self-described People of the Tradition of the Prophet (SAW) for Preaching and Striving, continues to terrorise Nigeria, with horrible consequences. Clearly, study of the problem cannot be disconnected from the complex nature of Boko Haram itself, considering the group's unclear agenda and its shadowy sponsors — internal or external. A key question regarding the nature of Boko Haram is whether it has a transnational dimension or not. This paper examines the nature of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. It argues that Boko Haram's terrorism does indeed have a transnational dimension, demonstrating that its agenda and targets transcend Nigeria, and that there are international links to the operations of Boko Haram. Given this international dimension, what concerns does Boko Haram generate for countries outside Nigeria, and what are their responses to the group's continued acts of terrorism? This analysis is contextualised within the charged debate on the definition of terrorism and the modern trend of religious terrorism in the international arena.     

也谈美国新黑人文化运动

20世纪初发生的新黑人文化运动是美国黑人史上一次重大的文化事件.第一次世界大战后,新黑人知识分子以复兴黑人文化和自尊为手段,争取黑白融合和黑人融入美国社会的一次思想启蒙运动.它为后来的美国黑人民权运动和国际上的"认同黑人文化传统"运动奠定了的思想基础.     

The geography of regime survival: Abacha's Nigeria

This article examines the state-creation process in Nigeriain the context of military regime survival in the 1990s. Nigeriaentered a period of protracted political crisis following theannulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election and theentrenchment of the Abacha military government. The southwest,or Yorubaland,was the hotbed of opposition to continued militaryrule. This research shows how the Abacha government utilizedthe neo-colonial strategy of ‘divide and survive’to fragment opposition in Yorubaland, and how the governmentdivided regional opposition both socially and spatially. A localcoalition of Ekiti elites chose statehood over solidarity withtheir fellow Yorubas opposing Abacha, particularly those alignedwith Afenifere and the Oduduwa People’s Congress. Newstate movements — like that for Ekiti State — promotedmore local identities at the expense of pan-Yoruba solidarityand unified opposition to the regime. The article is based onsix months of fieldwork in Nigeria in 2002, including a casestudy of the movement for the creation of Ekiti State. Overall,it seeks to contribute to our understanding of the geographyof regime survival.     

Development, Education and the Teachers Union Movement in South Korea, 1989-1999

The passing of legislation in July 1999 to legalise Chunkyojo , the Korean Teachers and Educational Workers Union signalled the culmination of ten-year struggle by teachers to form a representative organisation that could represent them in industrial matters and push forward their agenda for educational reforms in South Korean schools. However the gains, as this article points out, were substantially less than the original goals of the movement. These goals, as this article discusses, were founded on grievances of the movement located in complex facets of South Korean education at its intersection with history, politics and development. The article examines some of the core grievances of the movement emanating from issues of teachers' identities, the role of education in national development, the dominance of the examination system and the industrial relations contexts of school teachers. The analysis confirms that the systemic features which the teachers union movement challenged reside in the social and historical foundations and political constructions of school education in South Korea and indicates that the recent developments are not likely to address these but, instead, signal the emergence of a new phase of conflict between reform-minded teachers and the South Korean government.     

马来西亚净选盟运动及其影响

从2007年到2015年,马来西亚净选盟运动一共发生了四次,参与人数逐渐增多,影响力越来越大,它直接导致执政党国民阵线在2008年和2013年的两次大选中成绩逐次下滑,并影响到了其执政地位。纵观历次净选盟运动,民族不平等是其发生的根本原因,威权统治是其发生的主要原因,而大选的"不公正"则是其发生的直接原因。它的发生促进了马来西亚的政治民主化进程,但也会造成民族隔阂的加深,因此净选盟运动的未来发展将会极大地考验组织者的智慧。     

冷战后美国的新保守主义思想运动

诞生于20世纪60年代的美国新保守主义思潮如今已发展成为一场颇具规模、富有活力的思想运动,其主体是一群为数不多但相互联系密切的知识精英,他们有共同的世界观和一致的外交政策目标,构建了一整套政策实施原则,并以思想库为基地,通过掌握和影响媒体,创建政治行动团体,甚至参与政府决策等方式,大力推行自己的政策主张,对美国近年来的对外政策产生了显著影响,成为当今美国政坛上一支不容忽视的政治力量。     

The Indian Movement and Political Democracy in Ecuador

This article examines the implications of the Ecuadorian Indian movement for democratic politics. During the 1990s, the movement successfully fostered indigenous and popular participation in public life, influenced government policies, and became a contender in power struggles. But in the institutional domain, the participatory breakthrough had mixed effects. While the movement fulfilled functions of interest representation and control of state power, its involvement in a coup attempt demonstrated that its political socialization had not nurtured a sense of commitment to democracy. The evidence is discussed by reference to the proposition that civil society actors may or may not contribute to democracy. The article argues that the study of the democratic spinoffs of civil activism requires a context-specific approach that considers the particularistic orientations of civil associations and pays attention to their definition of means and ends, the institutional responses evoked by their initiatives, and the unintended consequences of their actions.     

Recent Developments in Nigeria

Mr. Niven is President of the Northern House of Assembly, Nigeria.He gave the address which follows before a joint meeting ofthe Royal African Society and the Royal Empire Society on January27. Colonel J. D. R. Tilney, J.P., T.D., M.P., was in the chair.     

Parallel institutionalism and the future of representation in Nigeria

As Nigeria marked its centennial in 2014, violent sectarianism pried open a historical debate about whether ‘amalgamation’ of the country's two former regions by British authorities in 1914 was a ‘mistake’. Even before independence, however, self-interested nationalism restrained self-interested regionalism, sustaining unification. I argue that a ‘parallel institutionalism’ has ever since mediated the nation's heterogeneity through two different visions of representation. A long pause in state creation, a reduction in the Effective Number of Parties, and declining relevance of a pact that facilitated the 1999 democratic transition have revealed latent tensions in the status of multicultural institutionalism and strengthened liberal institutionalism. I then analyse how demographic, economic, and migratory trends are slowly transforming the structure of representation, placing dilemmas of parallel institutionalism at the centre of future nationhood. Additional research could explore a natural experiment between the northeast, which is facing an Islamic insurgency, and the northwest, which is not.     

明治前期日本教育中儒教主义的展开

1879年明治天皇下达的《教学大旨》标志着儒教主义的复活。《教学大旨》下达之初虽遭遇来自以伊藤博文为主导的政府的抵制,但以明治天皇和元田永孚为代表的宫廷势力仍通过各种渠道和措施积极致力于儒教主义教育理念的具体化。明治十四年政变以后,明治政府也开始转到儒教主义路线来。儒教主义不仅作为一场德育运动成为明治日本教育上的独立阶段,而且形成了日本的教育政策主体或教育领导权的宫府二元结构。     

民主转型环境下的当代马来西亚印度人族群抗争运动

1997年亚洲金融危机引爆安瓦尔事件,以此为契机马来西亚逐渐进入民主转型时期.当代马来西亚印度人是一个非常特殊的群体,作为马来西亚第三大族群却深陷族群困境之中.在民主转型的政治与社会环境下,他们逐渐觉醒并开始积极利用日益兴起的社会运动形式进行抗争,将自身的利益诉求融入马来西亚社会的民主诉求之中并得到巨大的社会支持,但两大运动未来的关系仍存在很多不确定性.