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1.
民法是调整国家建设和人民生活的基本法律,是治国安邦的基本法律规范。民法是调整具有平等地位的民事主体之间所发生的财产关系和人身关系的法律规范的总和。 一、民法是调整市场经济关系的基本法 1.从民法的产生和发展来看,民法为调整市场经济关系的基本法。人类社会自有了法律,就有了民事法律规范。从诸法合体到民刑分离,民法和刑法一道,是最早产生的法律部门。商品经济导致了民法的发展。民法体现了商品生产和商品交换的一般条件:社会分工、身份独立、交换自由。商品经济是“天生的平等派”,在商品经济条件下,交换必然要求主体是平等的、独立的、自由的人格。各个商品生产者相互独立、互不隶属,才能依法自由自主地参与各种民事法律关系,才能维护自己的合法民事权利。  相似文献   

2.
我国现行的法定公文系统有五类。从内容上看大同小异,在公文处理工作的各个方面、各个环节表现出明显的趋同性特征,但它们之间又存在很多差异,尤其是在文种和格式方面具有许多不同之处。只有切实掌握其异同,才有利于分清党政公文格式,防止混用。  相似文献   

3.
《学理论》2016,(11)
兴中会与同盟会都是由中国民族资产阶级革命派所发起的革命组织,二者虽然都以"会"字结尾,但所涵盖的政治影响力却有所不同。兴中会是中国最早的资产阶级革命团体,同盟会是近代中国第一个领导资产阶级革命的全国性政党。本文旨在厘清兴中会与同盟会的异同关系,进而明晰中国资产阶级革命派革命思想的发展态势及其革命信念。  相似文献   

4.
章敏 《学理论》2010,(16):219-220
在美国思想政治教育被称作"公民教育"。美国高校的思想政治教育方式与我国高校思想政治教育方式在课堂讲授、课外活动的开展、校园文化建设、社会环境作用等方面存在相同之处;在课堂讲授方式、课程设置、心理咨询、宗教教育等方面存在一定的差异,我们通过对其比较、鉴别,取长补短,从而促进我国大学生思想政治教育方式的创新与发展。  相似文献   

5.
方明 《团结》2009,(2):45-46
德国是欧洲大陆法系的发祥地之一,有着悠久的法治传统。早在德意志帝国时代,其法治建设便蔚然可观。一战期间游学这个警察国家的张君劢悉心研究时局战况,被房东怀疑是特务而告发,来传讯的警察立于屋外守候,这给张君劢留下深刻印象:即使骄横的帝国警察也不是随便可以进屋抓人的。纳粹时期的德国部分因受传统法律实证主义“恶法亦法”的思维影响,抽空了法治的精神内涵,在执法的名义下践踏人权,玷污了法治的名声。  相似文献   

6.
诗如其人,欣赏山水田园诗,我们就要了解山水田园派诗人内心的精神追求.诗人人生境遇的不同,造就其思索问题的不同,面对同样的山水美景就必然引发不同的感慨.从诗人内心精神追求不同这个层面,去分析诗人所创作的诗歌风格的异同.  相似文献   

7.
《学理论》2014,(27)
中法之间的文化存在很多相同之处,也有不同之处,探究其中的异同对于增进中法友谊发展,促进两国之间的经济贸易往来,巩固政治交往,有着不可言喻的作用。先从中国文化入手,多角度、多层面地阐释、品读中国商业文化的核心理念。要想在中国成功地发展商业,必须了解中国古代文化,从中把握中国商业文化的精髓。  相似文献   

8.
国家机关公务员申论考试已历经九年。申论作为一门独立的考试科目,是在我国古代“策论”的基础上发展而来的,它吸取了古代“策论”(对策)的优点,是对古代“策论”的借鉴、继承和创新。二者产生的土壤和含义、选拔人才的功能和方式方法、命题的形式和规则、答题的主体身份等方面既有相同或相似之处,又有本质上的区别,申论和策论的异同,旨在承前启后,激发和增强公务员申论考试的创新精神和活力。  相似文献   

9.
关于我国社会英模崇拜和明星崇拜之异同的理性思考   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
英模崇拜和明星崇拜具有偶像崇拜的共同性,这种共同性反映为两者的心理机理相同和行为机制相同;英模崇拜和明星崇拜又具有各自的特殊性,这种特殊性反映为两者依存的社会秩序不同和导向的价值观念不同。由此,在当前的社会中,应当坚持对英模崇拜的“官方主导”原则和对明星崇拜的“满足与提高相结合”原则。  相似文献   

10.
孟宪实 《各界》2010,(12):69-71
公元前399年,古希腊70岁的苏格拉底选择了死亡。又过了9年,在东方的中国,商鞅呱呱落地。52年之后,名震一时的商鞅被杀。苏格拉底,有很多机会选择生,但是他都放弃了,是他自己选择了自己的死。商鞅临死之前,采用了多种手段,希望挽留生命,但最终没有成功。面对死亡,苏格拉底是一个成功者,商鞅是一个失败者。  相似文献   

11.
要进一步搞好深港经济合作 ,繁荣两地经济 ,就必须选择合适的合作模式 ,从而使合作具有合理性、高效性和灵活性 ,真正发挥“一加一大于二”的优势 ,收到事半功倍的效果。围绕深港经济合作 ,学者们和实际工作者提出了不同的意见和模式。为此我们有必要就各种模式进行权衡与比较 ,选择符合两地实际的合作模式。一、“取代式”合作模式这种合作模式是把深圳摆在和香港竞争以及准备对香港取而代之的位置上。这在深圳经济特区建立初期是不敢想的。经过 2 0年的高速发展 ,深圳基础渐强 ,羽翼渐丰 ,“取代式”设想是希望以此证明社会主义优于资本主…  相似文献   

12.
Our central claim in this rejoinder is that experimentalist forms of organization in making regulatory rules, organizing social services, and articulating constitutional norms arise and diffuse as the problem that the actors and the state face shifts from ignorance to uncertainty. We argue that this has consequences for forms of accountability and for the conception and organization of democracy and constitutionalism. The EU, founded by diverse states in a period of continuing uncertainty, intensified by growing interdependence, proves to be a natural laboratory for observing urgent efforts to adjust to this new situation, and the symposium focuses on developments there. The symposium has brought us to see that there is more common ground in these debates than prior exchanges may have suggested. We therefore emphasize convergence on large points, while underscoring and, we hope, clarifying persistent differences, with the aim of encouraging the joint exploration of them already underway, in part explicitly, in part implicitly.  相似文献   

13.
This study began by trying to explain differences in state branch-banking regulations. Introducing a variable that captures the effect of political dominance over time improves upon the commonly used measures of political dominance at a specific point in time. Even the direct comparison with the previously used percentage point-in-time variables shows that duration of political influence matters significantly. No matter which party is in control, the length of time it has been in control in a state influences political outcomes. We show that, in terms of which kind of legislation will be enacted, Democratic and Republican control exert equal but opposite effects on legislative results. In other words, length of control matters independently of party affiliation, but party affiliation affects the nature of the outcome of the political process.This new approach might be useful in different areas of the public choice literature. For example, it could be applied to analyzing how abortion laws vary across states. Other areas of economics might benefit as well from considering the duration of control. For example, the political business cycle literature, as in Alesina and Sachs (1988), Golden and Poterba (1980), Hibbs (1977) and Hawthorne and Jackson (1987), that examines patterns in macroeconomic policies and outcomes associated with the kind of government in power, might well be improved by including duration as well as direction of control. In general, any area of public economics in which the effects of political power are considered would benefit from considering the duration as well as the incidence of that power.  相似文献   

14.
德治和法治的关系是一个古老而崭新的话题,古往今来,有关的论述不胜枚举,本文试从二者所具有的一致性、兼容性、互补性和互济性等四个方面来进一步辨析二者的关系,从而为我国正在实施的德法兼治提供理论依据.  相似文献   

15.
香港、澳门和中国内地都分别制定了惩治贿赂犯罪的法律。从刑事立法方面看 ,香港现行的惩治贿赂犯罪法律有 :《防止贿赂条例》( 1971年 )、《舞弊及非法行为条例》( 195 5年 )、《总督特派廉政专员公署条例》( 1974年 )。澳门现行的惩治贿赂犯罪法律有 :《澳门刑法典》( 1996年 )、《澳门刑事诉讼法典》( 1997年 )、《贿赂处分制度》( 1987年 )、《反贪污暨反行政违法性高级专员公署条例》( 1990年 )。内地现行的立法主要有 :《中华人民共和国刑法》( 1997年 ) (以下简称《刑法》) ,《中华人民共和国刑事诉讼法》( 1996年 ) (以下简称《刑事…  相似文献   

16.
17.
Compulsory voting laws introduce a legal requirement to vote that substantially increases in voter turnout. Additionally, this study provides evidence that a legal requirement to vote also generates a more politically informed population. A comparative case study leverages intra-national variation in mandatory voting regulations across the Austrian Provinces over time. The analysis constructs novel measures intended to quantify recent and accumulated exposure to compulsory voting laws. The results suggest that exposure to mandatory voting laws caused Austrian citizens to increase their political interest and attention to political news, as well as their level of information about party platforms on whether or not to expand EU integration. As a whole, the study suggests that compulsory voting not only increases voter turnout; it also leads to an increase in political information.  相似文献   

18.
In recent years, the topic of differentiated integration in the European Union has become increasingly discussed in both political science research and politics in general. Whereas differentiated integration is viewed as necessary for deeper cooperation, recent findings suggest that it increases the gulf between participants and non‐participants, making it difficult for non‐participating countries to join in later negotiations. However, there is a lack of theoretical and empirical work regarding the relationship between different levels of participation in the EU and national policy outcomes. This article addresses this question by comparing the policy outcomes in fully participating, selectively participating (opting‐in) and non‐participating (opting‐out) EU Member States relative to EU legislation. The findings show that selective participation (opting‐in) increases state conformity with EU laws relative to no integration at all (opting‐out), but it does not completely bridge the gap between fully integrated Member States and non‐participants. The results suggest that countries with flexible arrangements are generally less likely to implement EU laws than full participants, even when they choose to legally commit to the EU requirements. This finding raises some further questions about the rationale behind selective participation and its consequences for policy conformity, if its application expands to other policy areas and more Member States in the future.  相似文献   

19.
20.
贾清林 《学理论》2011,(4):76-79
企业之间的资金拆借在司法实践上一直按无效认定的,直接的法律依据仅有最高法院的若干司法解释;但是《公司法》第149条第三项的规定显然与上述司法解释相悖;仔细研读:企业资金拆借无效的认定逻辑其实难以服人,而根据《公司法》第149条第三项规定却能推论出企业资金拆借合法有效的结论,规范之间的冲突显而易见;而这种冲突已逐步延伸到司法实践及其他领域中,彰显该规范冲突解决的必要和迫切;而根据法律冲突解决的规则,《公司法》规定应优先适用,也即企业资金拆借在符合《公司法》规定条件的情况下应认定为有效,这显然又与目前的司法实践相冲突;而本文的探讨仅仅为该问题的解决提供一种新的思路和见解,最终的解决还要靠立法修改或相关司法解释的出台。  相似文献   

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