Access, accountability and authority: Corruption and the democratic process

Democratic systems face the challenge of sustainingtheir political authority while simultaneouslyproviding access to the political system for theircitizens, and ensuring existence of mechanisms for theformal and political accountability of those inoffice. The connections between these threecomponents, and between them and corruption, arecomplex. The paper suggests ways in whichaccountability may undermine authority through theblurring of distinctions between formal and politicalaccountability, by ham-stringing politicalinstitutions, by creating incentives for corruptpractices, and by politicising accusations ofcorruption. Access can be similarly destabilising andcorrupting, where trust is low and compliance withrules weak; and a basic problem with securing highlevels of trust is that the materials from which suchtrust is manufactured are often the very things whichaccountability mechanisms regard as corrupt – localnetworks, clientelism, and personal loyalties andfriendships. In democratising states, attackingthese elements can eradicate rather than enhance thebasis for well-regulated access.Different democratic systems have evolved differentways of balancing these three components. Theparticular institutional form the balance takes willhave a major impact on the types of corruption thesystem will face, and on the solutions which areappropriate. However, the tendency in internationalcircles is for one highly idiosyncratic understandingof this balance to hold sway, with potentiallydestabilising consequences when applied to theanalysis of corruption, especially in democratisingstates. The paper concludes that attempts to reduce corruptionand increase accountability by increasingparticipation and access are flawed. Access mayincrease the risk of corruption, while accountabilityremains a classic public good on which free-ridingwill be widespread. Corruption control in democracieswill not be solved by more democracy – indeed, itmight need less.     

A model for ranking the punitiveness of the states

There has recently been much interest in the measurement of imprisonment rates. Since this variable has such widespread importance in criminological research and policy, new methods are called for in expanding the procedures for evaluating levels of punitiveness as indicated by imprisonment rates. This paper presents a new model using logarithmic transformations to develop a system for ranking the punitiveness of the states. Comparisons are made between different approaches to specifying imprisonment rates including controls for crime rates and arrest rates. Results of the analyses indicate that the use of this model generates somewhat different rankings of punitiveness compared with those based on sample imprisonment rates or prisoner/arrest ratios.     

Executive federalism and Medicaid demonstration waivers: implications for policy and democratic process

Executive federalism emphasizes collaboration between the executive branches at the national and state levels to transform grant programs through the implementation process. In this regard, Medicaid demonstration waivers loomed large during the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. This article documents and compares the volume and substance of section 1115 Medicaid waiver activity under the two presidencies. From the perspective of policy performance, Medicaid demonstration waivers provide modest support for the view that states serve as laboratories for policy learning in the health care arena. More broadly, the waivers have not yielded a major solution to the problem of the uninsured and are unlikely to do so. At the same time, they have not (as some have suggested) been a subterranean force for the erosion of Medicaid. To the contrary, these waivers have often enhanced health services for low-income people; above all, they have helped preserve Medicaid as an entitlement by undercutting support for those seeking to convert the program into a block grant. From the perspective of the democratic process, we find that Congress has been a more significant player in shaping waivers than the executive federalism model suggests. While the decision processes surrounding Medicaid waivers often fall short of democratic standards with respect to transparency and opportunities for public input, they still compare favorably to certain alternatives.     

广州市游泳场所的卫生现状及对策

游泳是一项集娱乐与健身为一体的体育运动,近年来深受人们喜爱。游泳场所卫生状况好坏会直接影响公众的健康,特别是青少年的身体健康。若游泳场所的卫生管理或池水消毒不善,将导致肠道传染病、结膜炎等介水传染病的发生和流行。为了进一步加强对我市游泳场所的监管,保障公众的健康,我们积极探索游泳场所长效的管理模式,并在全市游泳场所的卫生监督中予以运用。     

The efficacy of foot patrol in violent places

Objectives

This study examines the effectiveness of foot patrol in violent micro-places. A large urban police department deployed foot patrol in micro-places (hot spots) for a period of 90 days for two shifts each day. Our objective is to determine whether this activity impacted violent crime in these hot spots and whether spatial displacement of crime occurred.

Methods

Eight eligible foot beat locations were set by examining crime rates for previous years in order to identify micro-places of high criminal activity. We employed a quasi-experimental design comparing the four treatment to the four control areas, estimating panel-specific autoregressive models for 30 weeks prior to and 40 weeks after the treatment.

Results

Time series models revealed statistically significant reductions in violent crime in the micro-places receiving foot patrol treatment, while no such reductions were observed in the control areas. The deterrent effect, however, was short and dissipated quickly. Control areas did not experience any crime prevention benefit during this time period. No evidence of crime displacement to spatially contiguous areas was detected.

Conclusions

This contributes to the growing body of knowledge that focused police strategies within hot spots impact violent crime. Specifically, the implementation of foot patrol in high crime hot spots led to measurable reductions in aggravated assaults and robberies, without displacing crime to contiguous areas.

     

The treatment ideal and detention reality: Demographic,professional/ occupational and organizational influences on detention worker punitiveness

For some time, corrections researchers have focused on the punitive and rehabilitative orientations of correctional officers. Relatively little research attention, however, has been devoted to understanding the support for these orientations among correctional workers responsible for the care and custody of juvenile delinquents. Based on survey data drawn from a sample of detention care workers (DCWs) in two facilities in a Southeastern state (N=109), this paper examines the extent to which, and why, DCWs adopt a punitive orientation to youth in detention despite policies and training that discourage this view. Findings, that contrast the relative impact of demographic, occupational/professional and organizational environment variables in accounting for variation in punishment/control orientation among DCWs, suggest that demographic indicators (i.e., age, gender) and organizational environment contribute disproportionately to explained variance in punitive orientation once other variables are controlled. Implications for detention policy, staff recruitment and training are discussed.     

The Commissioner cometh: The challenge for democratic policing in England and Wales

Public policing in England and Wales is currently undergoing and will undergo substantial changes to the way it delivers its services in the future. Consideration of the different proposals for change when viewed in isolation appears to produce uncertainty in terms of organisational structure. However, when considered as interdependent they provide a more clear and problematic issue that could undermine the current democratic model of policing utilised in this country. This article considers the ideas of the function of the public police within a democratic policing model and how changes such as the introduction of Police and Crime Commissioners, an apparent lack of engagement by the public with the democratic process, as well as the possibility of privatisation and outsourcing currently in vogue, may have a detrimental effect upon the policing philosophy that has underpinned policing in England and Wales for nearly 200 years.     

关于农村民主选举中监督主体的定位

监督是为了保证一项程序合法、公平、公正的进行,通过对程序的监控和督导来实现实体正义。我国农村民主选举是一种群众自治性质的选举,关系着我国的基层民主治理,因此应当得到广泛关注。我国的村民自治制度包括四个环节:民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督。其中,民主监督贯穿于民主自治的全过程。本文着眼于我国村民民主选举的现状,阐述并分析了我国农村民主选举监督主体定位的意义和角度,对农村民主选举提出了相应的对策。     

The state in Africa: Implications for democratic reform

Significant changes in the global political climate during the late 1980s sparked off dramatic enthusiasm for democratisation which swept across much of the developing world. Previously authoritarian governments, through the combined pressures from both external and internal arenas began to topple, to be replaced by regimes organised along liberal democratic lines. Internally, the public reacted to the corrupt and repressive tactics of a predatory patron-client state system which had continually failed to operate in accordance with societal needs, with street riots, strikes and other outbursts of discontent as a result. Such events played a major part in introducing multi-party politics by demanding accountability from those in power. Such dramatic changes were also a product of marked changes in the external environment, with governments no longer able to rely on uncritical donor support to secure a bulwark against communism. Furthermore, excessive state repression and intervention, in terms of human rights violations were no longer deemed to be acceptable behaviour. This is mirrored by a clear policy change as evidenced by the British Government's White Paper (1997) which clearly outlines the need for a more enabling, effective and strengthened role for governments in the developing world which enables them to become more dedicated to promoting the interests of the most disadvantaged sectors of society. Only governments which demonstrate a commitment to good governance may receive funding and not adhering to these policy dictates could have drastic consequences in terms of future levels and types of support. This article charts the issues concerning the new role for the state and its implications for achieving sustainable, participatory democracies in the context of the state in Africa. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Nietzsche's assault on the ideal of democratic justice

The moment beckons serious scholars to critically examine Nietzsche's political thought. This study examines Nietzsche's polemics on the democratic ideal. According to Nietzsche, democratic principles have taken over the role of traditional moral and religious ideals. From a very exhausted state, the bourgeoisie revengefully have created a set of ideals which posit absolute and normative standards of behavior applicable to all. These democratic ideals reflect character traits which the bourgeoisie already have habituated. Nietzsche's greatest objection to the cultural supremacy of the democratic ideal is that its target is the aristocratic instinet and psychology. Since the democratic ideal has attained its sovereign and universal status. Nietzsche believes the truly exceptional human beings are becoming “vanquished by the leveling magic of the great number”.     

Spirituality and punitiveness: An exploration of Christian,Buddhist, and non-religious attitudes towards crime

Studies measuring religious views towards crime and punishment have mainly focused on Christianity and its denominations in a western setting. They have also used measures that are exclusive to the Christian faith. Other major religions have largely been ignored. This study attempts to rectify this by exploring the attitudes of Christians, Buddhists and those identifying themselves as non-religious towards crime. The results indicate some apparent contradictory findings as the more spiritual Buddhists are, the more they attribute crime to both individual and environmental causes as well as greater support for both coercive and social intervention measures. When compared to the Buddhists, Christians and the non-religious are more supportive of assistance towards the treatment of offenders in this study.     

完善干部选拔任用工作中的民主监督

近年来按照中央的部署和要求,各地围绕实现干部工作科学化、民主化、制度化的目标,以贯彻执行《党政干部选拔任用条例》和党风廉政建设的各项要求为着力点,促进了各项监督工作任务的落实。但是从监督的实际效果及其在整个干部工作中的地位看,还存在许多深层次的矛盾和监督中的新问题。因此,在干部监督中必须有进有退、上下互动,创新监督工作思路;必须扩大公开、推进民主,夯实监督工作基础;必须通盘运筹、科学设计,提高制度建设水平;必须明确界定、权责对称,强化“一把手”的监督。     

Entrapment and the entrapment defense: Dilemmas for a democratic society

Entrapment is defined and distinguished from related law enforcement practices. The subjective test of entrapment formulated by the Supreme Court and the objective test proposed by critics are discussed and evaluated. The argument is advanced that entrapment is a morally unjustifiable practice which is inconsistent with the rights of citizens in a democratic society. Guidelines are proposed for governing police conduct in potential entrapment situations and suggestions made regarding ways these guidelines might be implemented.The authors wish to thank the following individuals for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper: Joseph A. Canale; Edward W. Chandler; Gary T. Marx; and Eugene L. Shapiro.     

University student beliefs about sexual violence in prison: rape myth acceptance,punitiveness, and empathy

Abstract

The public desires more punitive sentencing for sex offenders; however, treatment has been shown to be most effective in increasing public safety. It has been suggested that public education about the benefits of sex offender treatment could influence public policy. The purpose of this study was to determine if a brief psychoeducational intervention could influence individuals’ attitudes towards the treatment of sex offenders. Overall, findings showed that a psychoeducational intervention can affect subsequent attitudes; furthermore, the nature of the intervention will be significant in determining the level of attitude change.     

论行政公权机关的民主决策

提高行政公权机关决策质量刻不容缓.行政公权机关决策必须恪守民主理念,遵守民主程序,贯彻民主原则.因此,根据不同情况,行政公权机关民主决策应分为主要领导民主决策、领导集体民主决策、公务员民主决策、专家民主决策、公众民主决策等基本形式.决策中必须实行决策公开、决策问责、决策评议制度,坚持决策法治、决策科学、决策为民(为公)原则,以防范、克服决策失误乃至决策腐败,提高行政公共决策(公共政策)的质量.     

The Confucian ethic and the spirit of East Asian police: a comparative study in the ideology of democratic policing

This paper is an empirical study in comparative police ideology. It describes cultural qualities that distinguish Taiwan’s idea of democratic policing from comparable ideas in other places. I examine the historical process by which Taiwan’s police came to be organized around the population registry (the hukou). This process has institutionalized a Confucian understanding of civic virtue as an organizing principle in Taiwanese policing. Based on these historical and cultural observations, I formulate an ideal typical model of Taiwanese “policing through virtue” that can be compared to other stereotypical national policing styles such as Britain’s “policing by consent,” America’s discretionary policing, and France’s formalist emphasis on division of power and rule of law.     

Laying the foundation for institutionalisation of democratic parliaments in the newly independent states: The case of Ukraine

This article examines the institutionalisation of the Ukrainian Parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, since the fall of the Soviet Union. The emergence of a popularly elected legislature in post‐Soviet Ukraine stands as a cornerstone in the development of a democratic regime. While the Verkhovna Rada is by no means a mature parliament, the foundation for future institutionalisation has been laid through the establishment of a representative political process, nascent political parties, a separation of powers between the executive and the legislature, and the policy‐making capacity of the Parliament.     

Sentencing policy and disparity: Guidelines and the influence of legal and democratic subcultures

This study analyzed the effects of sentencing policy on sentencing outcomes and the determinants of sentencing decisions. The authors used hierarchical modeling to examine the impact of sentencing reform on legal and individual- and county-level extralegal factors in addition to the sentencing outcomes themselves. The research was framed within the legal and democratic subculture perspective developed by Richardson and Vines (1970) for understanding lower court decision making. The results indicated that sentencing policy acts as a filter, through which cues from each subculture are synthesized, and helps to shape the effects of both legal and extralegal variables on sentencing outcomes.