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1.
政治身份认同与缅甸果敢同盟军的瓦解   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张伟玉 《当代亚太》2012,(2):131-157
生存达二十年之久的缅甸非政府武装组织果敢同盟军于2009年8月被缅甸中央政府解除武装而宣告瓦解。本文通过对果敢同盟军、佤邦联合军和掸邦东同盟军这三个背景相似的缅甸非政府武装组织的比较研究,提出导致果敢同盟军瓦解的内部深层次的支撑性原因是该组织政治身份认同的缺失的观点。通过这一案例,本文试图提出政治身份认同是非政府武装组织在主权国家内生存的必要条件这一一般性假说。  相似文献   

2.
钟小鑫 《东南亚研究》2023,(5):119-133+157
在传统缅甸华人社会中,“在商言商”、“远离政治”的诤言与理念成为其族群生存与发展的重要准则。缅甸老一辈华人一直向后辈灌输参与政治的危险性,以及华人曾经卷入政治运动的惨痛记忆与深刻教训。这种角色定位与缅甸华人的身份认同密切相关。然而,在近年来缅甸云谲波诡的政治变幻中,缅甸新生代华人表现出与其父辈完全不同的政治风貌与政治姿态。特别是在2021年缅甸军人再次接管国家政权的背景下,许多新生代华人纷纷涌向街头,积极表达民主诉求。新生代华人的身份认同也出现了较为显著的变化。探讨缅甸华人身份认同和政治参与的变迁,是理解缅甸华人社会以及缅甸政治发展趋势的重要维度,并为进一步探究缅甸民族国家建构中新生代华人的身份与角色提供了理论空间。  相似文献   

3.
政治认同的辨析   总被引:12,自引:0,他引:12  
李素华 《当代亚太》2005,(12):15-22
本文首先评述了各种关于认同的理论,在此基础上提出认同的涵义和特征.然后对比分析各种政治认同理论,并提出了本文对政治认同的概念界定:公民对某种政治权力的认同,即公民对某种政治权力的承认、赞同和同意,并且自觉地以该政治权力的要求来规范自己的政治行为.政治认同主要是指一个稳定政治体系即一个国家执政的政治权力如何获得所需要的认同.  相似文献   

4.
土耳其的欧洲身份认同与入盟问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张学昆 《欧洲研究》2006,24(4):39-53
长期以来,欧盟既不愿接纳土耳其,又不愿放弃。不愿放弃是因为土耳其在欧亚大陆的地缘战略重要性十分突出,欧盟出于地缘与安全上的考虑,始终对土耳其有一种需求;不愿接纳是因为双方在历史、政治文化和宗教观念上存在着深刻差异,土耳其的欧洲身份认同在宗教、文化层面上面临难以突破的困境。接纳穆斯林国家土耳其入盟将是对欧洲观念和欧盟性质的一个挑战,意味着欧盟将超越基督教文化传统,需要对自身的认同重新定义。本文拟从身份认同的视角来解释土耳其入盟所遭遇的这种困境。加入欧盟是土耳其国家发展的战略选择,土耳其建构欧洲身份认同的努力已经在其政策实践中体现出来,并在一定程度上得到了欧盟的认可。2005年10月4日,欧盟正式启动与土耳其的入盟谈判,土耳其入盟初见曙光。  相似文献   

5.
张生祥 《德国研究》2006,21(1):26-31
肇始于战后的欧洲一体化进程发展到今天已经进入经济政治的全方位联盟。然而,欧洲联盟不仅仅是一个利益和目的的共同体,它还应该是一个文化和理念的共同体,为所有的欧洲公民创造一个情感归属的“精神家园”。而欧洲认同的建构是实现这一目标的唯一途径,那么如何解读并建构一种共同的欧洲认同?本文试图从欧洲认同感产生、新欧洲认同政治以及欧洲认同的逐步形成等三个方面对欧洲认同这一历史现象进行考察。  相似文献   

6.
社会经济发展引起了经济结构和文化价值观的变化,与此同时也带来了民众政治信仰和政治意愿的变化以及民众对政党态度的变化。法国的经济模式长期表现出对全球化的不适应性,这种不适应性所引起的社会危机进而又带来了法国民众的政治认同危机。而政治认同的危机反过来加重了法国的社会问题,增加了执政党的执政成本,外交成本以及维护法国国际地位的成本。法国的政治认同危机是欧洲形势的一个缩影。对于法国情况的了解有助于更好地了解欧洲政治生态。  相似文献   

7.
文章基于制度主义下的路径依赖和制度变迁理论,探析了东南亚华人身份认同从华侨向华人转变的路径锁定,以及在住在国排华环境下族群认同强化的路径依赖,揭示了其中国家政策、社会环境、偶然性事件等各种历史因素的作用机理。同时,结合制度变迁理论,根据制度供给主体的不同,就增强东南亚华人的中华文化认同提出路径突破的方法,以期对东南亚华人身份认同的建构和演进有所启示。  相似文献   

8.
缅甸若开邦罗兴伽人的生存与发展引起全球关注,而对罗兴伽人的介绍、分析绕不开一个话题——身份问题。作为一个群体,罗兴伽人存在族群身份和公民身份两种角色。从族群特征来看,罗兴伽人的族群特征是明显的,且族群认同较高。但从1982年《缅甸公民法》来看,罗兴伽人未被承认为缅甸本土少数族群,亦未被赋予公民身份。由此带来的问题是,原本广泛存在于世界上多族群国家的族群认同与公民认同之间的矛盾在罗兴伽人身上演变为另一对事实上的矛盾:罗兴伽人处于一个内部较高的"自我假定"的族群身份认同与未被"他者赋予"族群身份、公民身份之间的矛盾。这一矛盾使当前罗兴伽人身份认同陷入尴尬境地。  相似文献   

9.
东南亚华族的身份认同问题是二战后东南亚民族国家建构中的一个焦点问题.在东南亚现代民族国家的民族整合过程中,华族的身份由"华侨"、"海外华人"转变为"华人",这不仅仅是称谓的改变,其中包含了对他们政治身份、文化身份的重新定位.本文描述了华人身份转变过程中所遇到的重重困难,并从民族国家建构的理念来分析其中的原因;结合冷战后中国与东南亚国家关系的变化,探讨全球化进程中东南亚华族身份认同的新变化.  相似文献   

10.
网络群体性事件分为不同的性质和类型。不同性质和类型的网络群体性事件或者具有意识形态内涵,或者对网络群体性事件的解构成为意识形态事件。网络群体性事件的当事人为了捍卫自身的利益或信念,对意识形态采取了不同的态度即表演或隐藏,其表演和隐藏具有机会主义、极端主义、犬儒主义特点,核心是自我保全。把对公民权利的违宪审查落到实处、平...  相似文献   

11.
This article uses two case studies to illustrate how Andean irrigation development and management emerges from a hybrid mix of local community rules and the changing political forms and ideological forces of hegemonic states. Some indigenous water-control institutions are with us today because they were consonant with the extractive purposes of local elites and Inca, Spanish and post‐independence Republican states. These states often appropriated and standardised local water-management rules, rights and rituals in order to gain control over the surplus produced by these irrigation systems. However, as we show in the case of two communities in Ecuador and Peru, many of these same institutions are reappropriated and redirected by local communities to counteract both classic 'exclusion-oriented' and modern 'inclusion-oriented' water and identity politics. In this way, they resist subordination, discrimination and the control of local water management by rural elites or state actors.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract— Recent work in the anthropology of practice shows that cultural transmission is a complex and active process rooted in everyday activity. It follows that cultural continuity depends more on understanding in practice than on the internalisation of collective representations. These insights are used to examine critically the provision of state bilingual education to the Huaorani, a small group of Amazonian hunter-gatherers. It is generally hoped that bilingual programmes for indigenous minorities will protect their linguistic and cultural rights. However, by neglecting ‘culture in practice’ and reducing culture to language, these programmes foster the emergence of a discursive identity at odds with the cultural continuity of nomadic and egalitarian indigenous groups. This case study is used to discuss some recent analyses of the politics of cultural identity and difference. It is argued that current thinking fails to recognise that culture is acquired and transmitted within communities of practice. 01997 Society for Latin American Studies.  相似文献   

13.
The Levantamiento Indígena of 1990 was a defining moment in the advancement of indigenous politics in Ecuador. Following the uprising of 1990, scholars have paid close attention to the politics of identity and indigenous representation in Ecuador with the main focus being placed on the highland and Amazonian regions of the country. Based on fieldwork conducted in Ecuador's Manabí province, this article provides preliminary insight into the growth of an indigenous discourse on the Ecuadorian coast. I focus on the process of re‐indigenisation in the coastal community of Macaboa. This research is significant because while a great deal of scholarly attention has been paid to indigenous movements in Ecuador's highland and Amazonian regions, indigenous politics on the coast have gone largely unnoticed. The case outlined in this article is emblematic of the shifting nature of identity and the way in which ethnic discourses are increasingly being adopted by marginalised groups in their attempts to negotiate with the state.  相似文献   

14.
One of the most striking aspects of ‘Red October’ was the central role played by indigenous groups and their leaders who were largely able to set the agenda of protest. This paper explores how the concept of indigeneity as a mobilising concept has moved from the periphery of the political arena to centre stage. Two indigenous leaders played significant roles: whereas the political rhetoric of Felipe Quispe is exclusionary and particularistic, Evo Morales's rhetoric is inclusive and broad. Indigenous identity as articulated by indigenous leaders is contrasted to the identities expressed by rural people and raises the question of how indigeneity is defined and by whom.  相似文献   

15.
‘Globalisation’, driven by neoliberal‐based policies, can be seen to have significant impacts on ethnobotanical practices, particularly through the commercialisation of traditional knowledge and rise in identity‐based social movements. Despite its relative political and economic isolation in comparison to more ‘neoliberalised’ areas of Latin America, local‐level shifts occurring in post‐Soviet Cuba are similar to those occurring elsewhere in the region. Afro‐Cuban ritual activities have proliferated, particularly in Havana, leading to an increased dependence on the rich magico‐medicinal pharmacopoeias employed in hybridised religions such as santería and palo monte – suggesting that ‘globalisation’ may have profound, albeit indirect, implications for even the most economically marginalised countries such as Cuba.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

Four decades ago the Indian states of Gujarat and Tamil Nadu had identical scores on the human development index. Both states have since experienced similar rates of economic growth and Gujarat has received more foreign investment, but Tamil Nadu has witnessed much stronger advances in human development. What explains this divergence? Through comparative historical, statistical and public policy analysis and interviews, we conclude that the implementation of government policies as a manifestation of political ideology and the quality of public administration have played a defining role in explaining Gujarat’s more lopsided and Tamil Nadu’s more balanced human development trajectories. Our findings suggest that a more egalitarian ideology and higher quality of public administration have been crucial to Tamil Nadu’s success in simultaneously improving human and economic development.  相似文献   

17.
文化认同与东盟合作   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
文化认同是东盟合作的基础.所谓文化主要是指价值观.在国际关系中,这种价值观具体表现为国家应该如何追求安全与财富.东盟国家的文化认同具体表现为对东盟方式的认同,这体现为三个方面:即不干涉内政原则、协商一致原则和组织机构的非正式性原则三个方面.东盟国家之所以会有这种认同,主要是由其所处的安全环境所决定的.这种文化认同是东盟取得重要成就的关键,但在今天却面临着挑战.  相似文献   

18.
传统文化、意识形态与当代中越关系   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
中国和越南是邻邦,拥有共同的传统文化和意识形态,这是影响两国关系发展的重要因素,使得中越两国关系呈现出一般双边关系所没有或者不多见的特点.总的来看,共同的传统文化、意识形态对中越两国双边关系起到了积极的促进作用.  相似文献   

19.
印尼华人信仰多教混合,供奉多元神祇,呈现着一种重现世,重实用的色彩.这是中国民间宗教的多元取向特性在海外的延续,更是印尼华人主体意识的投射,是他们赖以进行文化身份定向的"经验".  相似文献   

20.
A UK-based political scientist presents a systematic analysis of the basic philosophical arguments and intellectual origins of fundamental conservative thought in Russia. Positing that fundamental conservatism seeks to displace interpretations of Western modernity in Russia with a culturally specific Russian version, she then probes more deeply into the methods and tasks of fundamental conservatism, before examining its main theoretical arguments. The fact that such thinking is increasingly prominent in Russia, including within political circles, is noted as a basis for the need to better understand it as a search for new forms of rationality and new forms of citizenship rooted in the Russian sociohistoric context.  相似文献   

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