上海国有企业五年的党建工作

1992年以来，在邓小平同志视察南方的重要谈话和党的十四大精神指引下，在以江泽民同志为核心的党中央领导下，上海在推进改革开放和经济建设的同时，紧紧围绕经济建设这个中心，围绕全党全国工作的大局，不断加强和改进党的建设。党的十四届四中全会召开以后，市委对加强新形势下党的建设工作作了全面部署，制定了《中共上海市委关于贯彻落实党的十四届四中全会决定，加强党的建设三年（1995－1997）规划）。上海各级党组织，特别是国有企业的党组织认真贯彻落实四中全会精神，积极实施党建三年规划，在政治、思想和组织上强有力地保证了上…     

规则的智慧

德国人相信规划，生活中，充满了规划。 德国的门把手，一律“一”横。在中国则五花八门，菱形的、球形的……因为“扭”力比“一”横的柄大，     

“十五”规划思路呈现的新特点──访国家计委宏观经济研究院副院长白和金

“十五”规划的前期研究已经启动。与以往九个五年规划相比，“十五”规划制定的国际国内背景发生了巨大变化。依据这些变化，“十五”规划的思路必然呈现出一系列新的特点，就此问题，记者走访了参与“十五”规划研究的国家发展计划委员会宏观经济研究院常务副院长白和金，听取了他的看法和意见。记者：我们注意到，前不久国家计委主任曾培炎谈到制定“十五”规划时说，“要改变过去规划编制中重国内、轻国际，对国内和国际两种资源、两个市场缺乏统一考虑的思想方法，编制‘十五’规划不仅要考虑国内供求情况，还要考虑国际供求现状、变化…     

推动科技发展的科学决策

既往一年中,对我国科技乃至经济发展产生重大影响一件事,就是我国大规模地展开了国家中长期科学和技术发展规划(以下简称规划)的制定工作。目前这一规划已几近完成,笔者作为规划的参与者及政策研究者,对此次规划的制定过程感慨良多。     

用科学方法落实科学发展观

本文对科学发展观的研究和落实现状进行了评述，追溯了科学发展观的形成过程，将现行政策、规划同科学发展观的内涵进行对比分析，指出现实与科学发展观的要求有较大差距，制定科学发展观的落实方法、对现行政策和规划进行修改和完善，是用科学方法落实科学发展观的首要任务。     

我国行政规划程序的不足与立法展望——以《行政程序法》之规划程序建构为基点

我国行政规划程序的不足主要包括公开性不够、民主性不足以及监督性不强等。学界对未来制定统一的《行政程序法》时是否规定行政规划程序和如何规定这一程序是有争论的。可以采取集中基础上的分散立法模式,由《行政程序法》规定基本制度,由单项立法规定具体的制度,同时应引进德国的规划确定程序。规划确定程序由于具有“集中事权”的效力而与现有的制度架构有根本的不同,既保证了公开、民主和监督的要求,又能保证行政效率,从综合的因素进行考量我国有必要确立这种制度。     

规划的智慧

德国人相信规划，生活中充满了规划。     

德国公务员的奖励激励制度及其借鉴

为了制定深圳机关工作人员勤政廉政奖励办法，最近，我们赴德国考察公务员奖励制度情况，在德国期间，除与有关方面进行联系接触外，还得到我国驻德使馆、驻汉堡领事馆的支持。现将有关考察情况综述如下：一、德国公务员基本情况德国作为欧洲经济较发达的国家，有一支稳定的公务员队伍。对于公务员的组成、要求、权利、义务完全按照德国宪法和《联邦公务员法》的规定来实施。德国共460万人在公共事业部门就业，有40％的人从事行政工作，即职业公务员。担任公务员的前提条件是：必须是德国人、拥护自由民主的基本秩序、具有相当的文化水平。…     

一周国际时事回顾(1月9日-15日)

美国国务卿奥尔布赖特９日在国务院举行的记者招待会上呼吁新政府保持美国外交政策的延续性，继续推行克林顿政府制定和实施的外交政策。 正在日内瓦举行的印尼政府同亚齐独立运动代表的新一轮谈判已经取得进展，双方９日达成一项临时谅解协议，同意亚齐独立运动采取政治和民主的方式表达他们的意愿，而不是采用非法武装的方式。 波兰总统克瓦希涅夫斯基和乌克兰总统库奇马９日先后访问了南联盟，并分别同南联盟总统科什图尼察举行了会谈。 德国卫生部长安德烈埃·菲舍尔和农业部长卡尔－海因茨·奉克由于解决德国发生的“疯牛病”问题不力…     

重视经济决策中的“公众参与”

重视经济决策中的“公众参与”对外承包工程和劳务合作有新机遇经济适用住房“价值”几何国际金融的现状与前景判断 国家计委最近通过媒体向全社会征集对“十五”计划编 制的意见建议，并设立报纸征文、网页和电子邮箱等 多种渠道，鼓励民众参与计划的制定，为“十五”建言献策。 在我国中长期规划编制工作中，这样的做法还是第一次。 长期以来，由于受计划体制形响，我国对政策、规划制定过程中的“公众参与度和透明度”一直重视不够，重要的政策及发展规划大多是相关机构“关起门来潜心研究”的结果，且一旦形成便“勿庸置颖”。这样一种…     

The PDS and the SPD's Dilemma of Governance in the Eastern German Länder

Coalition formation in the Federal Republic of Germany has, following unification in 1990, become a more complex process. This is particularly true in the eastern states, where the existence of a problematic partner (the post-communist Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS)) further complicates coalition options. As a result of its eastern heritage and its successful representation of eastern German interests, the PDS is likely to be an important actor in the medium/long-term future. This article argues that if the Social Democratic Party (SPD) is going to form governing majorities in the eastern states, it must, therefore, come to some sort of practical accommodation with the PDS.     

Hedge Funds, the Deutsche Börse Affair and Predatory Anglo-American Capitalism

Boardroom trouble at Deutsche Börse, the company that operates Germany's main stock market, has recently provoked an important debate about competing capitalist models. Werner Seifert, Deutsche Börse's ousted Chief Executive, was eager to portray himself as the innocent victim of aggressive Anglo-American investors who had bought into his company but failed to understand its traditional operating ethos. In this, he was ably supported by key figures within the ruling Social Democratic Party, who, in order to shore up the party's core support, had increasingly come to blame overseas hedge funds for the development of German corporate governance models which prioritised profits over jobs. I review the SPD's structural reading of the Deutsche Börse affair, whilst comparing it to an alternative interest-based reading. The latter allows me to focus more closely on the issue which, more than any other, led to Seifert's downfall: his refusal to bow to the expressed interests of his own shareholders by pressing ahead, against their wishes, with a hostile bid for the London Stock Exchange. Seifert's eventual removal foreclosed the possibility of an integrated London-Frankfurt stock market and, somewhat ironically given the SPD's response to the affair, as a consequence it also prevented the entry of London's highly capitalised institutional investors into the German market for corporate control. The actions of Deutsche Börse's overseas shareholders might still be seen as evidence of a predatory Anglo-American capitalism. However, their successful removal of Werner Seifert may well have been responsible for temporarily keeping other financial predators at bay.     

The German Federal Election of 2017: How the Wedge Issue of Refugees and Migration Took the Shine off Chancellor Merkel and Transformed the Party System

The 2017 German federal election delivered dramatic electoral decline of the two traditional main parties, the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD), who had governed Germany in a ‘grand coalition’ government since 2013. The main reason for this outcome was the decision by Chancellor Angela Merkel to open Germany's borders for refugees and migrants, an unprecedented policy that abandoned border controls and remained in place between September 2015 and March 2016. This article focuses on how the refugee and migration problem subsequently turned into a wedge issue, splitting most German political parties and handing a major election victory to the main critics of Merkel's decision, namely the rightist Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the right‐wing liberals of the Free Democratic Party (FDP). Rather than explaining these developments in isolation, the article highlights how past welfare state retrenchment and fear over future economic prosperity make significant groups of the electorate, including former supporters of left‐of‐centre parties, lose confidence in the ability of the political system to deliver stability and social integration.     

Partisanship and Incumbency in Presidential Elections

Party identification is a standard part of our understanding of presidential voting, but the effects of presidential incumbency on presidential voting have not been recognized in most voting models. Democratic candidates in the twentieth century received 10 percent more of the two-party vote when Democratic incumbents were running for reelection than when Republican incumbents were running. National Election Studies surveys show that the effect of incumbency varies with individual partisanship, with the greatest effect, as expected, among independents. Opposition party identifiers defect at a higher rate than incumbent party identifiers when the incumbent is running for reelection. Even after controlling for retrospective and prospective economic voting, a 6 percent effect is found for incumbency. Incumbency thus conditions the impact of partisanship on presidential voting.     

A statistical study of the effect of the great depression on elections: The Weimar Republic, 1930–1933

The four Reichstag elections in Germany between 1930 and 1933 are the object of this study. A cross-section analysis of 13 regions and a time series analysis show no conclusive impact of unemployment on the vote share of the National Socialist Party. A pooled cross-section/time-series analysis simultaneously considering sociodemographic and economic factors shows, however, that the Nazi party significantly benefitted from higher unemployment. The farmers tended to support the NSDAP while the catholics tended to reject it. The same holds for the totalitarian parties as a whole, the principal one beside the Nazi being the German Communist Party. A Gedankenexperiment suggests that, if unemployment had not risen from 14% in July 1930 to 52% of employed workers in January 1933, the Nazi party would have received 24% instead of 44% of the vote in March 1933.     

Reconstructing the French ‘Etat’: Progress of the loi Defferre

French local government has been subjected to sweeping reforms since the Socialist Party took office. The numerous measures, not yet all finalised or implemented, are aimed at creating a decentralised administration with local democratic control, particularly through the creation of local civil service corps and the transfer of tax‐revenues to the localities. It is apparent that considerable administrative problems will arise, and the parties will also be affected, not least by the introduction of PR voting at the local level. Democratic control will be enhanced and there will be a greater apparent politicisation of the administration, but it is also to be expected that the bureaucracy will protect its own interests and priorities.     

Transnational Networking on the Far Right: The Case of Britain and Germany

This article examines an aspect of transnational activity that is often neglected, namely the transnational activism of the far right. It uses a case study of the British National Party (BNP) and the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD – German National Democratic Party) in order to explore how its leaders and activists share ideas and information, policy and praxis, and how this is employed in the development of a strategic ‘master frame’ that they believe will allow them to overcome the limits of purely national activity in a globalised world. It explores the evolution of the links between the two parties, their nature and indeed the limits of such transnational activism upon national ‘frames’ in order to present a historical overview of the diffusion of ideology and strategy within the contemporary European far right.     

Societal Transformation and the Creation of a Regional Party: The PDS as a Regional Actor in Eastern Germany

This paper examines the position of the PDS (Party of Democratic Socialism) within unified Germany. The transformation of the GDR's political, economic and societal structures, coupled with the legacy of 40 years of state socialism, has created space for a regional party to establish itself on the territory of the former East Germany. The manner and means that the transformation has taken have enabled a process of separate identity-creation to begin in eastern Germany, and the PDS has mobilised territorial difference in order to carve a new niche as an eastern German interest party. The PDS, the heir to the SED dictatorship, has moulded itself into a strong regional actor on the basis of a reinvigorated societal cleavage along the former border ? and appears to have successfully secured a place in the German political landscape for at least the next generation.     

Stronger core,weaker fringes: the Danish general election 2019

Abstract

The 2015–2019 election period was long; hence, the election campaign had already begun when the Prime Minister called the election for 5 June 2019, just 10 days after the EP election. Nine already established parties, one old yet unrepresented party and three new parties, two of which are (very) opposed to immigration, fielded candidates across the 10 electoral districts for the 175 seats in parliament (excluding the four MPs elected in Greenland and the Faroe Islands). The overlapping EP election, climate and immigration characterised the campaign agenda. One of the new (anti-immigration) parties made it into parliament, and among the established parties, some were (more than) halved, others were (more than) doubled and some remained stable. In particular, the two government (supporting) parties, Liberal Alliance and Danish People’s Party, received a slap in the face from the electorate. While the Prime Minister’s party, the Liberals, did well, the majority shifted to left of centre, which resulted in a minority Social Democratic government headed by Mette Frederiksen, supported by the Red?Green Alliance, Socialist People’s Party and Social Liberals.