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1.
The article reconstructs the development of the Swiss welfare state against the background of the transformation of trade unions' social policy activities. It detects a sequence of trade unions' activities in social policy which runs uniformly to the development of the welfare state. While in the liberal phase of the Swiss welfare state trade unions were sceptical of national social policy and preferred mutual insurance and collective bargaining, in its post‐liberal phase they have become proponents of national social policy legislation.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract: Abgesehen von wenigen Ausnahmen sind neuere theoretische Entwicklungen im Historischen Institutionalismus bislang kaum von der vergleichenden Föderalismusforschung aufgenommen worden. Der Beitrag diskutiert deshalb die Möglichkeiten, die eine historisch‐institutionalistische Perspektive für die Bearbeitung von zwei zentralen Fragestellungen der vergleichenden Föderalismusforschung bietet: die Frage nach den Entstehungsbedingungen föderativer Systeme sowie die nach deren Entwicklungsdynamik. Für alle zwei Fragestellungen, so die Grundüberlegung des Artikels, hält der Historische Institutionalismus gewinnbringende Analyseinstrumente bereit, die dazu beitragen können, zwischen den weitgehend isolierten Theoriesträngen der Föderalismusforschung zu vermitteln.  相似文献   

3.
This paper utilises survey data from the 1999 European Value Study to conduct a quasi-experimental analysis of the relationship between the left–right self-identification and policy preferences of Germany's electorate. Given the German division until 1990 it is plausible that citizens from East and West Germany had different ideological socialisation experiences swayed by the political discourse of their times. This paper models the influence of this diverse experience on ideological thinking, and examines the effects on the understanding of political issues. The findings suggest that differences do exist in the ideological consistency and attitude structuring of respondents. Compared to respondents in the West, East Germans are more likely to understand the term ‘left’ in socio-economic terms. On the other hand, they seem to connect the term ‘right’ rather to xenophobic issues. These results have crucial implications for political communication in representative democracies, as they question the one-level dimensionality of the left–right concept.  相似文献   

4.
This paper builds upon the concept of “coalescent elite behaviour” which is crucial in consociational theory, but contested regarding its actual conceptualization. Contrary to Lijphart's (1968) original assumption that elites are generally committed to an “overarching cooperation”, we hypothesize that institutional venues must be taken in account. Thus, the aim of this paper is twofold: Conceptually, we try to clarify the nature of “amicable agreement” regarding two core institutions (i.e. parliament, government), and regarding executive‐legislative relations. Empirically, we follow a two‐step empirical approach that combines a cross‐time comparison of the decision‐making process regarding the revision of the Swiss basic pension scheme (AHV) with a cross‐case assessment following Fischer's two‐dimensional typology. More generally, our findings serve to inductively refine the “political side” of consociationalism.  相似文献   

5.
全球气候外交论析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
气候外交是指国际社会围绕气候治理展开的外交活动。国际气候外交的行为主体十分广泛,包括联合国、主权国家和非政府组织等。国际气候外交对于抑制全球变暖十分重要,但当前的气候外交面临诸多难题。比如,气候外交遭遇到集体行动的难题,并常常被异化为谋取经济利益的权力外交等。中国的气候外交目前虽然取得一定成效,但在国际社会中仍然受到一定的质疑,影响了中国的国家形象。中国必须开展气候公共外交,并在国际责任与自身能力平衡的基础上积极参与全球气候治理。  相似文献   

6.
粮食是重要的农产品,事关人民基本生活和国家经济社会的稳定与发展.今年发生的世界粮食危机让许多国家陷入饥荒与混乱.泰国是世界上重要的粮食生产国和出口国,面对这场"无声的海啸",机遇与挑战并存,泰国政府从容不迫,从维护本国政府和人民的利益出发,着眼于粮食的可持续生产及农业的长远发展,制定出行之有效的粮食政策.这些政策主要涉及保护农民的种粮积极性、敦促利益分享机制的执行、整合农业发展、粮食生产的资金投入和增强国际协商与合作等方面.目前泰国的粮食政策运行良好,可资其他粮食生产国和出口国借鉴.  相似文献   

7.
国际金融危机对俄罗斯产生了深远影响。危机在某种程度上改变了俄罗斯所处的战略环境,恶化了俄罗斯的经济状况,使俄罗斯调整经济发展战略更具紧迫性,同时也影响了与中国的双边贸易。这些影响又间接作用于俄罗斯的对华战略,主要表现为:俄罗斯对华借重、合作领域有了新的方向,对华战略中更加突出经济因素的作用,调整对华经济战略,力图改变单纯依赖能源出口贸易结构,进而稳步提高双边贸易额,减少与中国的贸易逆差。在今后,随着国际政治、经济形势以及俄罗斯本国经济发展情况的变化,俄罗斯对华战略也将发生进一步的调整。  相似文献   

8.
《中东研究》2012,48(1):25-41
This article situates the Palestine Liberation Organization in an international network of liberation movements in the 1960s and 1970s. As such, it is a transnational history of the early days of the Palestinian liberation movement, whereas most scholars have treated that movement inside the confines of the long-running Arab–Israeli conflict. By analyzing the intellectual and political linkages between the PLO and other liberation movements in Algeria, Cuba, and Vietnam, the article seeks to reframe the Palestinian struggle in the context of other postcolonial struggles of that era.  相似文献   

9.
本文从哈萨克斯坦的实例出发,考察单个国家利用制度竞争吸引外国投资产生的一系列决策的差异性问题.它主要聚焦于政治偏见和政治生存效果两者之间的矛盾,这恰恰是正规经济制度发展和实施的推动力.哈萨克斯坦的例子展现了这二者相对重要性的转变对国家在争取外国直接投资(FDI)所产生的显著影响.此外,本文还着眼于经济全球化背景下各个层面在制度竞争中的相对重要性.  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT

In the words of Louis Marie de La Haye Cormenin (1788-1864), the French lawyer, politician and pamphleteer, in the Livre des orateurs (1843), ‘Four people know the secret of the weakness of the parliamentary orator: his doctor, his confessor, his lover and his stenographer’. Stenographers worked for the first time in 1840 in the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament. The Bureau of Stenographers as a permanent office was established in 1868. For the Upper House and the House of Representatives, a joint Bureau of Stenographers was organized with two superiors, four auditors, twelve ordinary stenographers and two rotation guides. The stenographers worked at five-minute intervals with no backlog of work. The stenographic report of each session was published half an hour later after the last word had been spoken in the session room. The parliamentary stenographer was required to have a university degree and to take a shorthand exam. Journalists, lawyers, professors and also engineers were employed as stenographers. Reproductive intelligence, quick comprehension, responsiveness, and craftsmanship were some of the qualities that were required to be a qualified parliamentary stenographer.  相似文献   

11.
全球环境治理“领导者”的蜕变:加拿大的案例   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
谢来辉 《当代亚太》2012,(1):118-139
加拿大长期以来曾是西方发达国家中积极领导全球环境治理的典范,一度也是全球气候治理的积极参与者,但是近年来却俨然蜕变为气候谈判中的"拖后腿者"。发生这种转变的原因究竟是什么?本文通过国际和国内、政治与经济多个层面的分析发现,除了美国因素以外,加拿大国内的经济形势变化和政治体制是导致其战略变化的主要原因。20世纪90年代以来,油砂大规模开发和原油出口(特别是对美国的市场依赖),导致加拿大在气候变化问题上处于比较劣势;而相关利益集团的游说,正好与加拿大松散的联邦制等制度因素相结合,导致了加拿大气候政策的转向。从这个层面上看,经济利益的变化和政治决策制度特征共同成为决定国家气候或环境战略的主要因素。在某种程度上,这一案例也反驳了发达民主国家因其制度因素必然成为全球环境保护积极支持者的命题。  相似文献   

12.
Can Switzerland still be classified as an example of consociational democracy, characterized by power sharing and elite cooperation, by the second decade of the 21st century? Drawing on Lijphart's typology of consociational and centrifugal regimes, an analysis of the transformation of Swiss democracy reveals that while Switzerland continues to display institutional elements of power sharing, a polarizing and competitive trend can be observed in the governing style of the elite. Increasingly adversarial elite behaviour and a growing polarization within parliament and government as well as with regards to referendums indicate a growing shift toward centrifugal democracy.  相似文献   

13.
21世纪是亚洲崛起的世纪,然而,西方人对亚洲的崛起持反感的态度,并感到恐慌,进而退化成保护主义.在<新亚洲半球:权力东移势不可挡>一书中,纪梭·马布巴尼以亚洲人的眼光,描述了亚洲的崛起及其对世界的影响,对世界权力重心的持续东移做出了深刻的分析.作者告诫西方,接受亚洲崛起的现实,并与之携手合作,才是明智之举.同时,他也告诉我们,当西方发生变化时,新亚洲应该如何响应.本文是对<新亚洲半球:权力东移势不可挡>的评论.  相似文献   

14.
This article captures China’s role in global manufacturing through the prism of conceptualisation of the commodification of labour power in Marxist theory. It argues that modalities of China’s labour force co-optation in assembly and lower value added production for export of consumer goods to advanced economies carries more of a family resemblance with putting-out systems of the pre-capitalist era than with the commodification of labour power sensu stricto marking the capitalist era from the mid-nineteenth century.  相似文献   

15.
This article discusses one of the main controversies in Brazilian society at this moment: the development of a national policy of human rights and the return of the debate on political crimes committed under the military dictatorship from 1964 onwards. The main hypothesis associates the barriers imposed on that human rights policy to the way in which democracy was retaken in the country and the model on which important segments related to the authoritarian government occupied strategic roles. Even today, this presents a real difficulty in terms of recovery and, if necessary, punishment for the crimes committed by the government during the dictatorship, which in turn makes the development of human rights policies more complicated.  相似文献   

16.
20世纪50、60年代民主政体在东南亚国家的实行均以流产而告终,威权主义代替民主政体对东南亚国家的稳定和发展起到了巨大的作用.本文认为"民主"之树移植容易,但是开花结果却需要许多前提条件.本文从经济、文化和社会基础三个角度分析东南亚国家实行"民主"所需的相应条件.并对"民主"在东南亚的发展趋势作了简短预测.  相似文献   

17.
Dieser Beitrag analysiert die Varianzen der quantifizierbaren Staatstätigkeit in den 26 Schweizer Kantonen der 1980er und 1990er Jahre. Im Mittelpunkt der erklärenden Grssen stehen dabei Formen der Verhandlungsdemokratie, insbesondere der Konkordanz, dezentraler Entscheidungsstrukturen und direktdemokratischer Beteiligungsrechte. Wir zeigen, dass die Erweiterung des Konzeptes der Verhandlungsdemokratie auf weitere Staatsorgane neben der Regierung zur analytischen Unschärfe fhrt, da die verschiedenen Ausprägungen der politischen Machtteilung mit unterschiedlichen Wirkungen auf den Umfang des ffentlichen Sektors verbunden sind. Während die Konkordanz im Sinne der parteifrmigen Organisation politischer und sozialer Konflikte tendenziell die staatliche Intervention begnstigt, zgeln konstitutionelle Vetospieler die Staatstätigkeit, indem direktdemokratische Mitwirkung und dezentrale Machtteilung dem Staat Fesseln auf der Einnahmen‐und Ausgabenseite anlegen.  相似文献   

18.
Although the United States is not a consociational democracy, it is of considerable interest to consociational scholars. Not only is it in many respects a plural society, its political practice and thought include rudimentary elements of consociationalism’s four defining characteristics. That these institutions and practices have not developed further is unsurprising, given the generally unfavorable conditions for racial or ideological consociationalism there. Furthermore, factors such as the U.S.’s competitive political culture and its history of racial inequality present special challenges for consociational theory and practice. Meanwhile, the possibilities for addressing current ideological polarization by consociational means are limited, while ideological cleavage as such presents its own challenges. Nevertheless, several areas for reform remain possible, while changing ethno‐demographic conditions could make U.S.‐American consociationalism more likely in the next several decades. Furthermore, these considerations open up several potentially fruitful lines for further research into consociational democracy and the conditions that foster it.  相似文献   

19.
从"自由民主"到"可控民主"俄罗斯的民主政治改革引起了广泛关注.本文在梳理俄罗斯政治体制改革曲折历程的基础上,力图运用放宽了假定条件的"新比较经济学"分析框架,解读俄罗斯政治体制改革与经济绩效之间的因果关系.文章认为,关于俄罗斯实行"可控民主"制度原因的诸多分析中,历史传统回归论是正确的,所以"可控民主"在俄罗斯将具有持久的生命力.  相似文献   

20.
全球问题与全球治理   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
随着全球化的进展,全球问题也随之出现.全球问题具有其本身的特点,给人类社会的未来发展带来了严峻的挑战.由于全球问题的性质,造成了公用地的悲剧与集体行动的困境两种现象.解决全球问题,超出了单独一个国家的能力范围,需要国际社会共同协作加以解决,从制度上、理念到组织上等各方面进行全面的变革.针对全球问题,国际社会提出了全球治理的概念,本文探讨了全球政治的概念、治理的内涵、全球治理的含义、全球治理的构成因素以及全球治理结构等内容.  相似文献   

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