美欧之间的东亚对话与对华政策协调

美欧之间的东亚对话主要针对中国崛起相关话题。21世纪初该对话的启动标志着以应对中国崛起为核心的美欧东亚战略与对华政策协调被正式纳入跨大西洋议程之中。2008年国际金融危机后,美欧东亚对话趋于深化,议题范围扩大且讨论日益深入,就安全、经贸等领域的协调机制和协调内容提出了更具针对性、更富操作性的意见和建议,在一定程度上促进了美欧东亚战略与对华政策协调。然而,美欧对话也存在矛盾和分歧,对华战略的差异和在东亚的利益分歧限制了双方互动的深度。     

欧美TTIP:由来、目标与影响

为应对国际政治经济形势的迅速变化,欧美启动了“雄心勃勃”的“跨大西洋贸易及投资伙伴关系”谈判,这既是近十年来建设“欧美共同市场”构想的延续和升级,又是传统经济体在经济全球化冲击下做出的主动战略协调,有着提振欧美经济、打造新的全球贸易投资规则、深化欧美地缘关系的战略意图. “跨大西洋贸易及投资伙伴关系”的提出、谈判进程及最终结果,不仅将对当前国际经贸格局产生强烈的“溢出”效应,而且也将对中国在全球产业链和国际经贸格局中的发展势头形成抑制,进而影响中国未来经贸结构、政策和发展模式.     

欧美关系的新变化及前景

当前欧美关系与布什时期相比出现了一些新动向,其中最重要的变化是,美国外交政策"向欧洲大幅靠拢",欧洲国家政府和民众"全面亲美".跨大西洋关系重新焕发生机和活力,是欧美双方因各自实力下降而产生的内在需求与国际格局发生深刻变化所带来的外部压力相互作用的结果.未来欧美关系不大可能出现布什时期的剧烈震荡,将较为平稳、协调.但欧美关系中的一些制约性因素并未消除,"新跨大西洋联盟"建设也难以一帆风顺,在经贸、金融等领域,双方的矛盾和竞争性关系可能会有进一步发展.     

新一轮美欧技术经贸协调进程北大核心

拜登政府上任后积极恢复美欧关系,推进跨大西洋合作进程取得阶段性进展,建立了更为全面系统的贸易和技术领域合作协调机制,并成立了核心机构美欧贸易和技术委员会。该委员会的活动和进展表明,技术已超越传统贸易成为本轮美欧协调的焦点。新一轮美欧技术经贸协调具有规格较高、欧盟话语权提升、聚焦战略新兴与颠覆性技术议题,以及明显的对华指向性等新特征。然而,美欧技术经贸协调能否取得实质性进展,关键还在于美欧能否有效弥合二者在战略、利益、对华认知等方面的分歧。美欧技术经贸协调都为推进跨大西洋合作进程创造了一次新的机遇,并将对国际秩序和格局演变产生显著影响,在技术创新、供应链、标准规则制定以及贸易投资等领域对中国科技发展构成严峻挑战。     

欧盟与美俄中关系的演变与发展

20 0 1年欧盟与世界主要大国的关系均发生了重要变化和发展。“9·11事件”后 ,对不安全因素全球化的感知强化了欧美维持大西洋联盟的意识 ,矛盾得到缓解 ,大西洋联盟的凝聚力上升。但在中长期内欧美既合作又竞争的总体态势不会改变。“9·11事件”后俄罗斯与美国的迅速接近使欧俄关系有些“暗然失色” ,但这仅是表面现象 ,影响欧俄关系的基本因素没有改变。欧盟在俄对外战略中与美国占有同等甚至优先的位置。欧盟对华政策仍坚持以合作和对话为主。欧中之间不断扩大的经济、政治和战略利益为双方保持长期稳定的合作关系奠定了良好的基础。     

欧美关系重塑: 构建从盟友到伙伴的新平衡

欧美关系发展和转型将对世界格局演变产生重要影响。拜登政府重新重视盟友、重回多边主义的对外政策,为欧美关系的修复带来新希望。但是,国际格局变化和秩序重塑、欧美各自内部政治和社会分化等结构性力量,决定了双方关系转型进程不可逆转。欧美战略日益疏离、利益不断偏移、认同逐渐弱化,决定了大西洋关系整体走向弱化,将从盟友关系向更加平衡的伙伴关系转型。     

探索中的欧美“跨大西洋联盟”

探索中的欧美“跨大西洋联盟”杨明杰甘爱兰曹霞自１９９５年起，欧美把建立新的“跨大西洋联盟”正式提上日程，这表明欧美关系在颠簸之中正经历一次较深层次的调整。去年６月，美国国务卿克里斯托弗提出２１世纪美欧合作日程；７月，欧盟提出对美关系战略文件；１２月３...     

美欧贸易与技术理事会：缘起、对华影响与应对

“美欧贸易与技术理事会”作为重启跨大西洋协调与合作的新机制,是在拜登和冯德莱恩等一批跨大西洋主义者积极推动下的产物。对传统自由贸易与“华盛顿共识”的反思,叠加世界变局、技术革命与中美欧三大力量对比的结构性转变,推动美国和欧盟在贸易与技术领域不断强化对华竞争的指向性。从匹兹堡到吕勒奥,美国和欧盟已在TTC框架下完成四次部长级会晤,并形成一年两度的协调与会晤机制。围绕双边贸易协调与对话、技术合作与标准制定以及对华贸易与技术竞争,双方展开多轮沟通与磋商,并取得一系列积极成果,一定程度上强化了中国在全球贸易与新兴技术领域的外部压力。但利益与意见分歧、对华政策偏好差异以及修复跨大西洋裂痕的艰巨性等多重因素同时制约着TTC的潜力空间,加剧了其未来发展演变的不确定性。中国应树立战略思维,适时调整对美、对欧方略,消解TTC框架下美欧协调联动对华产生的不利影响。     

欧洲国家对美关系考虑及其影响

本文认为，欧洲国家在对美国的认识上没有根本性差异，其分歧主要在于如何与美国打交道，准确地说，在于以何种方式可以有效影响美国的政策。英法等国在伊拉克战争问题上的分裂在较大程度上也是由于处理对美关系的分歧而引起的。不论是英国代表的“团结派”，还是法国和德国代表的“抗衡派”，都希望能够与美国保持联盟关系。但“抗衡派”与美国的矛盾由于是围绕世界秩序以及各自地位和作用而展开的，双方均难做出妥协，并因此将改变大西洋联盟内部关系的状态。     

从《跨大西洋联盟的革新》报告看美欧关系

<面对不确定世界的宏伟战略--跨大西洋联盟的革新>报告以维护美欧安全、保持美欧在国际事务中的主导地位为出发点,分析了美欧在"9·11"后所面临的威胁与挑战,并对跨大西洋联盟的改革及未来发展提出了具体建议."报告"预示了美欧关系调整的重点与方向:美欧在安全领域的协调将进一步加强;北约的改造将成为未来一段时期美欧互动的重点;跨大西洋联盟将重新定位.     

英国脱欧对欧美关系的影响

英国脱欧不仅是英国国内的重大政治事件和欧洲一体化发展的重要节点,也对欧美关系产生了重要影响。英国脱欧前在欧美关系中占据特殊地位,既是欧美沟通的重要桥梁,又能塑造欧盟发展方向以契合美国利益。英国脱欧深刻改变了欧盟,推动其内部力量变化和政策调整,也将改变欧美之间的互动方式,对欧美关系发展构成新的挑战。百年变局下欧美关系正经历深刻调整,而英国脱欧也成为这一过程中的重要内部变量。     

The transatlantic dialogue on Iran: the European subaltern and hegemonic constraints in the implementation of the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran

This article analyses the US–EU transatlantic dialogue on the Iranian nuclear dossier with a particular view to the implications for EU foreign policy on Iran. Doing so, it uses neo-Gramscian scholarship to put the EU’s “over-compliance” with Iran sanctions into perspective. Constrained by the imperatives of hegemonic coercion in the form of US financial Iran sanctions against third country entities and with the hegemonic consent of a Western US-led “historic bloc”, Europe was relegated to a subaltern below its mediatory potential. It will be shown how this finding complicates the EU’s ambition to renew relations with Iran. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with experts and delegation members from the P5+1, this article thus analyses “the normative element” in the transatlantic security dialogue on Iran at a time where the latter is undergoing a sea change in the wake of the implementation of the “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” of July 2015.     

New alliances,governance of the international system and Italy's Foreign policy choices

The EU and the US, mainly through NATO, have been successful in securing peace and prosperity in Europe during the Cold War and in promoting peace beyond Europe after 1990. With the emergence of new powers and the rise of multipolarity, however, it is no longer apparent that transatlantic relations are indispensable and ways must be found to make sure that the relationship remains relevant. The EU and the US currently relate poorly to each other and as a result do not obtain the best possible outcome from their combined resources. Two elements are key to improving transatlantic relations: an inclusive policy towards Turkey (in the strategic interests of both the EU and the US); and more permanent and workable structures suited to the realities of the 21st century.     

Not as bad as it seems: EU and US democracy promotion faces China in Africa

The rise of China in Africa is often described as a major challenge to the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) democracy promotion policies. China is accused of providing important volumes of loans, development aid, trade and investments without “political strings” attached, thereby undermining the US and the EU's possibilities to set material incentives for reforms. This article investigates Ethiopia and Angola as two cases where one would expect that the growing presence of China has made it more difficult for the EU and US to support reforms. Empirical findings presented in this article go against this argument. In both countries, the EU and the US face substantial difficulties to make the respective government address governance issues. However, the presence of China has not made it more difficult for the US and the EU to implement their strategies. Instead the empirical analysis suggests that domestic factors in Ethiopia and Angola, notably the level of challenge to regime survival both governments face, influence both governments’ willingness to engage with the EU and US.     

The convergence of transatlantic sanction policy against Iran

Between 1996 and 2012, cooperation between the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) on Iran sanctions underwent a dramatic shift from open disagreement to almost unanimous consensus. Whereas the US preferred negative sanctions throughout this period, the EU opted at first for using economic incentives and dialogue. The EU’s diverging approach exemplified the overall preference for multilateralism and engagement strategies over unilateral coercive measures. Beginning in 2005, however, European sanction policy towards Iran converged with that of the US. In this article, I argue that the convergence of transatlantic sanction policy against Iran cannot be understood without the pressure employed by Washington. The US pressure campaign consisted of secondary sanctions against European companies. As necessary condition, US pressure has been a key external factor that complemented the EU’s internal developments fostering a more coercive approach towards Tehran after the revelation of the Iranian nuclear programme in 2002 and the breakdown of the E3 (Great Britain, France and Germany) negotiations in 2005.     

美欧气候变化政策差异与合作前景（英文）

As the Biden administration actively rectifies Trump's climate policy, climate cooperation and coordination between the US and the EU is expected to witness significant progress. Although the convergence of transatlantic climate policies will have a positive impact on global climate governance, but with their fundamental dispute over policy orientation left intact, interaction between the two sides can still be plagued by their respective domestic politics and different economic interests.     

Ideas matter: China’s peaceful rise

Illuminating on the power transition theory, realists are more than convinced of potential structural conflicts in both economic and security realms due to China’s rise. They see China as a dormant source of challenges to American preeminence, economic policies of the west as evident in the recent negotiation discourses (e.g., G-20 and G-8 meetings), the “western” norms of diplomacy (e.g., Washington consensus) in developing countries including in Africa, and security concerns of its neighboring states. However, China will be able to avoid this claimed inevitability by abiding to peaceful ideas deeply embedded in “New Security Concept,” “peaceful rise theory,” “peaceful development” and a “harmonious world” doctrine. This paper argues that China will be able to rise peacefully because of the efficacy of practicing liberalism and constructivism at large in its diplomacy. China is increasingly and genuinely embracing shared norms and institutions, gradually gravitating East Asian regional order to its favor in the form of power constellation.     

American Perspectives on the Transatlantic Security Agenda

This article explores US perspectives on the new transatlantic security agenda in the context of the evolution of strategic culture. The war on terrorism and the Iraq War of 2003 serve as focal points to examine sources of divergence and convergence between US and European security policies. The article explores key questions including: Have we seen the collapse of a shared, transatlantic security culture since September 11? How have US leaders manipulated strategic cultures to achieve security objectives in the new era? Why has the Bush administration willingly engaged (and even encouraged) the intra-European divide? How significant to the United States is the shift in “old” and “new” European perspectives on the war on terrorism? The article concludes with an assessment of the implications of recent events for the future of transatlantic security ties.     

Chinese network diplomacy as a challenge for transatlantic partners

For decades, a prevailing view has been that a very limited number of global issues can be resolved without the USA and European Union acting together. But in recent years, we have seen a growing body of scholarship addressing the question of the ‘diffusion of power’, ‘the rise of the rest’ or ‘global zero’. With the financial crisis, questionable foreign policy choices and growing global competition from other international actors, both in terms of trade and ideas, the idea of the Western domination is increasingly questioned. At the same time, many international actors, including the European Union, are increasingly shifting—or ‘rebalancing’—their attention towards China and other Asian markets introducing new dynamics to old alliances and relationships. Borrowing from the network analysis scholarship, this paper looks at the EU relationship with China through a conceptual lens of ‘network power’ and ‘network diplomacy’. It applies this analytical lens to investigate the implications of EU–China relations for (1) the relations with the USA, (2) the relations with the ASEAN and (3) the effects of the trilateral EU–China–US cooperation on the region.     

特朗普政府重构中美关系的抱负与局限

特朗普政府谋求从根本上重构中美关系,重置对华政策的前提与目标、框架与内涵、手段与方式,其所采取的一系列举措涉及面广、颠覆性强,严重削弱了中美战略互信,破坏了两国关系的重要基础,扭转了双边关系的发展方向,加剧了两国关系的紧张、摩擦与动荡,使两国走向对抗与冲突的风险显著上升。与此同时,特朗普政府重构中美关系的努力也受到多种因素制约,这使其实现对华政策目标的能力大打折扣。随着政治经济形势发展变化,美国对华政策还将出现新的调整,中美关系的发展仍然具有很大可塑性。对中国来说,以稳健的实力增长为支撑,以合理的利益交换为出发点,以适合时代潮流的对外政策为工具,致力于塑造良性竞争、互利共赢的中美关系,是当下和今后对美政策的基本思路。