The incoherence of the only serious argument for torture

The ticking-bomb scenario is a thought experiment designed to establish the moral permissibility of interrogational torture in a limited number of circumstances on utilitarian grounds. This article demonstrates that utilitarianism does not support the use of torture in any circumstances, not only because another method of interrogation is more efficient and effective, but also because the practice of interrogational torture undermines individual security and, in turn, the ability of authorities to provide collective security. Therefore, utilitarianism demands the absolute prohibition of torture.     

改革开放是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路

1978年12月召开的党的十一届三中全会，是新中国成立以来党的历史上具有深远意义的伟大转折，由此开启了改革开放历史新时期。十一届三中全会以后改革开放的30年，是中华大地发生巨变、社会主义欣欣向荣的30年，是中华民族在复兴道路上迈出坚实步伐的30年。     

Why only Nixon could go to China

Right-wing politicians sometimes can implement policies that left-wing politicians cannot, and vice versa. Contemporary wisdom has it that only Nixon could have gone to China. We develop a model to explain this phenomenon. A policy issue could depend on information, on which every one could potentially agree on policy, or on values, on which agreement is impossible. Politicians, who value both reelection and policy outcomes, realize the nature of the issue, whereas voters do not. Only a right-wing president can credibly signal the desirability of a left-wing course of action. The Nixon paradox can hold then if citizens vote retrospectively on the issue.     

It's not only the economy,stupid! Good governance matters in elections

This paper examines the impact of good governance in elections compared to the role of the economy. The latter is considered the key factor in electoral survival, while governance issues are rarely included in politicians' discourse or campaigning strategies. Using the ParlGov data and the ICRG indicators for 160 elections, the analysis shows that good governance matters, but mainly for developing countries. Economic growth is an important electoral topic in most of the elections, but its effect varies systematically across contexts. The impact of each good governance and the economy get weaker as the other worsens, and these conditional effects are moderated by the level of economic development.     

If I only had a brain: Yip Harburg,J. Edgar Hoover,and the failures of FBI intelligence work

E. Y. Harburg, the lyricist behind The Wizard of Oz, remains one of the most important songwriters blacklisted during the Cold War. His removal from Hollywood features in the 1950s denied moviegoers a distinct American voice whose lyrics mixed humor and entertainment to champion liberal causes. From 1944–1972, Director J. Edgar Hoover and the Bureau’s major field offices investigated Harburg. His declassified FBI file shows institutionalized incompetence in the way the Bureau went about writing reports, evaluating evidence, making conclusions, and conducting counter-intelligence work. Harburg’s story illuminates the battle between the left and right to shape popular culture during the Cold War. Hoover and Harburg held opposing views on politics, religion, economics, and race. Yet both men shared a fervent faith in popular culture’s capacity to transform America. Together they vied to remake the nation according to their own distinct visions – Hoover’s fear of declension stood in contrast to Harburg’s hope for radical progress.     

Performance appraisal: if only people were not involved

While performance appraisal systems which emphasize work objectives and behavioral rating scales hold considerable promise for improving the evaluation process, an incomplete understanding of the human dynamics underlying the appraisal process blunts their attraction. For a technically sound appraisal system to work, four behavioral elements are necessary: trust, acceptance of the appraisal function by those who must do the evaluation, sensitivity to the inner world of performance evaluation, and training designs which recognize the human dynamics of appraisal.     

Informal caregiving as state Medicaid expenditure: an only slightly immodest proposal

States and Medicaid recipients would be better off if the federal Medicaid program allowed states to assign a dollar value to some unpaid care friends and family give to Medicaid recipients. The dollar value of this unpaid labor would then be counted as state spending in the calculation of federal match. The proposal, which would ease the pressure on tight state budgets, is entirely compatible with the recent federal-state compromise regarding provider taxes and donations and reinforces an important but overlooked Medicaid policy that cultivates and relies upon households to deliver care.     

If you can't please everyone,must you only please yourself?

Department of Government and Politics, University of Maryland, College Park, MD 20742 8221, U.S.A. Shirking models, especially those of Kalt and Zupan, have demonstrated that Senators often vote contrary to their constituents' ideology. These models establish two components of Senators' ideology through a regression of constituency demographics on interest group ratings. The predicted scores are constituency attitudes while the residuals are Senators' personal ideologies. Senators' personal ideology is presumed to be independent of constituency factors. The use of demographics is problematic, because it is unclear that they are good surrogates for attitudes. Using statewide estimates of ideology from public opinion surveys, I show that demographics provide reasonable estimates of public attitudes. However, estimates of shirking from public opinion depend upon constituency characteristics, a finding that is inconsistent with shirking models based upon residualization. The existing shirking models depend heavily upon a legislator's party as a key component of constituency opinion. But party is an attribute of the Senator and not of the electorate. A better interpretation is that Senators respond to their fellow partisans in the electorate.     

The Institutionalization of the U.S. Supreme Court

In pursuing their goals, members of the U.S. Supreme Court areaffected by their institutional setting. How has that institutionalenvironment changed over time and what have been the politicalconsequences of those changes? Despite considerable analysisof the institutional dynamics of legislatures and executives,political scientists have been slow to bring time series techniquesto the study of the Supreme Court, and as a result much lessis known about its evolutionary path. Measuring a variety oforganizational characteristics, I construct an index of theinstitutionalization of the Supreme Court from 1790 to 1996.This indicator suggests that the integration of the Court intothe system of federal policy making has better enabled the justicesto satisfy their objectives. To demonstrate this empirically,I test a series of error correction models of judicial influence,each of which confirms that the nature of the Supreme Court'scharacter has had considerable implications for the scope ofthe justices' legal and political impact. These results underscorethe need for judicial scholars to examine the Court's policymaking in longitudinal perspective.     

对中国共产党历史经验的三次重要总结

在历史发展的重要时刻 ,善于对党的基本经验做出理论总结 ,是中国共产党不断前进和不断走向成熟的表现。在中国共产党 80年奋斗的伟大里程中 ,党的三代领导人对党的历史经验做了三次重要的理论总结。这三次总结所形成的重大贡献成为党的三个重要发展时期的标志 ,辉映出中国共产党人不断探索的足迹 ,贯穿着马克思主义与时俱进的理论品质 ,并成为引导中国社会主义事业继续前进的起点。     

The economic status of the aged.

This article discusses what is known about the economic status of the aged. Numerous complexities involved in the assessment of their status are discussed. Compared with most other recent assessments, this study finds a less favorable status for the aged relative to other age groups. The focus is on an examination of detailed age groups, rather than summary aged and nonaged groups--thus providing a more complete picture of age differences. More than most other assessments, this study stresses uncertainty about the relative status of the aged and emphasizes what we do not know. It stresses that better adjustments for differences in needs among age groups and other subgroups of the population are necessary. It emphasizes that consistency between the definition of resources and the specification of needs is essential. Also discussed is the vulnerability of the aged to economic risks. Major findings include: Median cash income is highest for middle-aged family units and lowest for the oldest and youngest units. The poverty rate for aged persons is above the rates for other adult age groups, but below the rate for children. When noncash income is considered in addition to cash income, the income of the aged tends to improve relative to that of the nonaged, but serious measurement problems exist. When wealth is considered in addition to cash income, the economic status of the aged improves relative to that of the nonaged.