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1.
Edward Pessen 《Society》1989,26(3):10-12
He is author and coauthor of more than 70 books and 150 articles including Riches, Class, and Power Before the Civil War; Three Centuries of Social Mobility in America;and “Social Structure and Politics in American History” in the 1982 American Historical Review. 相似文献
2.
Howard B. Kaplan 《Society》1988,25(2):17-20
He directs longitudinal studies designed to test general models of deviant adaptations to stress. A past editor of the Journal of Health and Social Behavior,his recent publications include “Self-Rejection and the Explanation of Deviance,” “Escalation of Marijuana Use,” and “The
Sociological Study of AIDS”; as well as Social Psychology of Self-Referent Behavior, Patterns of Juvenile Delinquency,and Psychosocial Stress. 相似文献
3.
Frederick M. Hess 《Society》2008,45(6):534-539
The tangled relationship between education research and policy has received little serious scrutiny, even as paeans to “scientifically
based research” and “evidence-based practice” have become a staple of education policymaking in recent years. For all the
attention devoted to the 5-year-old Institute of Education Sciences, to No Child Left Behind’s call for “scientifically based
research,” to professional interest in data-driven decision-making, and to the refinement of sophisticated analytic tools,
little effort has gone into understanding how, when, or why research affects education policy. Instead, most discussion has
focused on how to identify “best practices” or “scientifically based” methods and how to encourage classroom educators to
use research findings. In this article, based on the new volume, When Research Matters: How Scholarship Influences Education Policy, Frederick M. Hess examines these questions.
相似文献
Frederick M. HessEmail: |
4.
China’s Harmonious World: Beyond Cultural Interpretations 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
A culture “specter” is haunting the ongoing discourse regarding China’s declared policy of “peaceful rise” for a “harmonious
world.” While some Western scholars “cherry-pick” “evidence” of China’s aggressiveness from Confucius legacies, the same cultural
heritage is heavily tapped by many Chinese scholars to interpret the current policy of striving for internal and external
harmony. Both seem to ignore, though to different degrees, the historically specific political environment, within which the
cultural elements function and interact with other socio-political variables. China’s current pursuit of harmony is possible
and desirable only at a time when China is able to achieve sustained sociopolitical stability (30 years) in the past 160 years
and after its protracted encounter and experiment with Western liberalism, Marxism and capitalism. Although it has not explicitly
rejected any of these Western ideologies, China has tested the limits of all of them—hence China’s search for its own identity
and policy alternatives at the onset of the new millennium. It is toward a more historical and holistic explanation that this
paper constructs the political space and historical trajectory of China’s search for modernity and for itself in the past
two centuries and into the future.
Yu Bin is Professor of Political Science and Director of East Asian Studies at Wittenberg University, Ohio, USA; Senior Fellow
at Shanghai Institute of American Studies; analyst on Russian-China relations for Pacific Forum (CSIS) in Honolulu, Hawaii;
and former president of Association of Chinese Political Studies (1992-94). Yu is the author and co-author of several books
including the most recent ones: The Government of China (Stockton, NJ.: OTTN Publishing, 2006); Power of the moment: America and the world after 9-11 [Shunjian de Liliang: 9-11 Hou de Meiguo Yu Shijie] (Beijing: Xinhua Chubanshe, 2002); and Mao’s Generals Remember Korean (The University Press of Kansas, 2001). He has published more than 60 articles in journals including World Politics, Strategic Review, Asian Survey, International Politics Quarterly (Beijing), The China and Eurasian Forum Quarterly, International Journal of Korean Studies, Harvard International Review, Comparative Connections, etc. 相似文献
5.
Roger Koppl 《Society》2010,47(3):220-226
In The Social Construction of Reality, Berger and Luckmann discuss experts. They contrast the stabilizing monopoly traditionally enjoyed by “universal experts”
with the destabilizing competition of a modern pluralistic society. “When a particular definition of reality comes to be attached
to a concrete power interest, it may be called an ideology.” The current institutions of forensic science illustrate the claim
that monopoly in expertise is associated with political power. Applying the analysis of universal experts in The Social Construction of Reality to forensic science provides useful insights into forensic science as a social phenomenon. 相似文献
6.
Josef Gregory Mahoney 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):135-166
This work discusses why Marxist vanguard parties require ideology in their struggle to gain and maintain political power.
Despite being considered theoretically inconsistent with classical Marxism and western vernacular, I chart etymologically
how “ideology” came to China and proliferated during the Mao era as a positively framed term via, in all likelihood, Japanese
renderings of Leninism. After discussing ideological challenges under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, I explore whether Hu
Jintao’s scientific development and harmony concepts might be understood as ideological campaigns which—by synthesizing Maoist
and Dengist approaches to ideology—effectively address what otherwise be referred to as the Party’s telos problem, and thus resolve in part the threat to the Party’s vanguard claim.
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
Josef Gregory MahoneyEmail: |
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
7.
Murray Weidenbaum 《Society》1995,32(3):9-16
This study draws heavily on the author’s report “Strengthening the Corporate Board” and on his textbook Business and Government in the Global Marketplace.Samuel Hughes provided helpful research assistance. 相似文献
8.
Sharon Portnoff 《Society》2009,46(1):76-84
On reading Primo Levi’s Holocaust memoir If This is a Man, one is immediately struck by its literary quality, and especially its generous use of Dante’s Inferno, both of which point to the more general problem of Holocaust witnessing. This paper focuses on Levi’s reasons for using
Dante’s poem in particular to communicate his experience. Levi’s choice of Inferno is pointed, not only because of the obvious trope of existence in Hell, but also because Levi conceived of Auschwitz as an
experiment designed to destroy the “human,” created in part, at least in the West, by Dante’s poem. What I will be suggesting
is that Levi emphasizes the distinctions between his and Dante’s experiences by including in his conversation with Dante’s
Inferno (paradoxically) his rejection of that conversation. There may or may not be something “human” which persists after Auschwitz,
and the only way to ask this question, without preconceiving an answer, is to dramatize silence. The resultant ambiguity urges
readers to, as Levi puts it, “participate in” the events described and/or dramatized.
相似文献
Sharon PortnoffEmail: |
9.
Lloyd R. Cohen 《Society》1994,31(5):43-50
His previous contribution to Society,“Sexual Harassment and the Law,” appeared in the May/June 1991 issue. The author wishes to acknowledge the generous support
of the Sarah Scaife Foundation and the John M. Olin Foundation. 相似文献
10.
Mark DaCosta Alleyne 《Human Rights Review》2004,5(3):103-116
This paper proposes a new way of measuring progress in international politics, an approach that focuses on the symbolic and
ideological work of international organizations. Although such a strategy is not entirely new to the study of International
Relations, it has not been a common, accessible way of assessing how well international organizations work to effect change.
The more famous methods have been legalistic—investigations of how international organizations have created new international law in the issue-areas under investigation1—and bureaucratic—studies of how international organizations create machinery to deal with the problems2. But in a world where domestic and international discourse is more mediated than ever before by television, radio, the Internet,
newspapers, and other means of mass communication, the argument here is that propaganda is a third arena that must be taken into account when exploring the work of international organizations. The international
organization in question here is the United Nations, and the issue-area examined is gender equality, a topic that is also
variously described as “women's rights,” “women's issues”, or the “women's movement”. The paper explains first why the topic
of the UN and women's rights is important, I then examine the propaganda role of the UN in the struggle for gender equality,
and the paper concludes with a critical analysis of the UN's propaganda work in relation to this issue. 相似文献
11.
Eugene F. Provenzo 《Society》1989,26(6):87-89
He is the author of many articles on the cultural significance of photography, including “The Photographer as Educator” published
in Teachers College Record. 相似文献
12.
Gerald J. Beyer 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(4):5-31
Many of the debates concerning the existence of economic rights obfuscate the meaning of the possession of a right to an economic
good. In order to provide clarification, several theoretical questions must be probed. This essay explores each of these issues
in order to demonstrate that greater conceptual clarity repudiates the arguments against the existence of economic rights.
It also seeks to attenuate the vexing problem of necessary and painful tradeoffs between competing rights claims. The final
portion of this essay heuristically demonstrates how greater conceptual clarity can aid us in dealing with complex policy
issues involving competing rights claims.
The phase “Nonsense on stilts” is borrowed from Jeremy Bentham’s refutation pf “Natural” rights. Jeremy Bentham, “Anarchical
Fallacies” in Human Rights, ed. A.I.Melden (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1970), 30–31. 相似文献
13.
14.
Mick Green 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(1):55-71
Since the election in 1997 of a New Labour Government in the United Kingdom, a growing number of analyses have provided insights
into, and critiques of, what has been termed the “social investment state”. To date, these analyses have interrogated particular
developments and distinct issues in a number of key social welfare policy-related sectors, including education, citizenship,
the family, and poverty/employment. Notable by its absence, however, is the contribution that policies for sport and physical
activity are now playing in the realisation of New Labour’s social investment strategies. This article therefore interrogates
and registers the growing salience of sport policy interventions for the construction of a social investment state within
the broader political context of governing under “advanced liberal” rationalities. The “active citizen”, and children and
young people, in particular, are valorised and appear centre-stage as the focus for these interventions. This child-centred
focus is problematised, as is the argument that, under prevailing political rationalities of advanced liberalism, government
“steers” rather than “rows” and “enables” rather than “commands”. Under these conditions, while children are deemed deserving
of investment, there may be other groups who are deemed less deserving, for example, older people who, unlike children and
young people have little currency in a future-oriented world.
相似文献
Mick GreenEmail: |
15.
Daniel B. Klein 《Society》2009,46(2):137-146
The paper develops the idea of configuration of ownership to distinguish three primary political ideologies: (classical) liberalism, conservatism, and leftism. The liberal configuration
is atomistic in its recognition of owners and ownership claims; it conforms closely to Adam Smith’s “commutative justice,”
which Smith represented as a sort of social grammar. The conservative configuration also strives for a social grammar, but
it counts among the set of owners certain spirit-lords such as God and Patria. The liberal and conservative configurations
become isomorphic if and only if the ownership claims of the conservative spirit-lords are reduced to nothing. The left configuration ascribes fundamental
ownership of resources to the people, the state, and sees laws as organizational house-rules into which one enters voluntary
by choosing to remain within the polity; the type of justice that pertains is parallel to Smith’s “distributive justice,”
which Smith associated with aspirational rules for achieving beauty in composition. The scheme illuminates why the left’s
conception of liberty consists in civil liberties. The formulation of configurations is used to interpret the semantics of the three primary ideologies. Meanwhile, it is noted
that actually existing parties and movements are admixtures of the three primary ideologies. For example, what makes Republicanism
“conservative” is that it is relatively conservative; it by no means thoroughly or consistently rejects the precept of collective ownership by the polity.
相似文献
Daniel B. KleinEmail: |
16.
John P. Clark 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(4):583-604
In Frontiers of Justice, Martha Nussbaum applies the “Capabilities Approach,” which she calls “one species of a human rights approach,” to justice
issues that have in her view been inadequately addressed in liberal political theory. These issues include rights of the disabled,
rights that transcend national borders, and animal rights issues. She demonstrates the weakness of Rawlsianism, contractualism
in general, and much of the Kantian tradition in moral philosophy and shows the need to move beyond the limitations of narrow
rationalism, nationalism, and speciesism. Nevertheless, Nussbaum fails to elaborate adequately the grounds for her own capabilities
position or to face fundamental theoretical questions about the nature and implications of that position. 相似文献
17.
Guenther Roth 《Society》1990,27(2):63-69
An expanded version of his English introduction to Marianne Weber’s biography of Max Weber was published in the Transaction
edition. A companion piece on “émile Durkheim and the Principles of 1789: The Issue of Gender Equality,” appears in Telos. 相似文献
18.
Michael Cohen 《Society》1989,26(4):40-48
His publications include “Instructional, Management, and Social Conditions in Effective Schools” in A. Odden and L.D. Webb’s School Finance and School Improvementas well as articles on designing state assessment systems and state boards in an era of reform. 相似文献
19.
Kristina A. Bentley 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(4):48-68
This paper is about conflicts of rights, and the particularly difficult challenges that such conflicts present when they entail
women’s equality and claims of cultural recognition. South Africa since 1994 has presented a series of challenging—but by
no means unique—circumstances many of which entail conflicting claims of rights. The central aim of this paper is, to make
sense of the idea that the institution of traditional leadership can be sustained—and indeed given new, more concrete powers—in
a democracy; and to explore the implications that this has for women’s equality and equal human rights. This is a particularly
pertinent question in the South African context, and I think it is worth reiterating from the outset that there is a distinct
impression that women’s equality is always “up for grabs” when other, perhaps more powerful interests, come into play, in
a way that would be unacceptable for other aspects of identity, and therefore signifiers of equality. It would be inconceivable,
for example, to countenance a claim for a hierarchical racial arrangement in a given community, no matter how deeply culturally entrenched that arrangement was, and regardless of how
much support it (ostensibly) had from the community concerned. I think therefore that we are obliged to ask difficult questions
about the new legislation on traditional leadership, and to put it under the microscope of political theory in assessing the
claim that this is one way of recognizing people’s rights and freedoms in a new democracy.
The Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act 2003, omits reference to the “powers” of traditional leaders, but rather refers to “functions and roles” which was regarded
as something of a victory for women’s rights groups. However, the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE) and others point out
that this victory has been all but nullified by the Communal Land Rights Act, 2004, which allocates powers of land administration to traditional councils, which are headed by traditional leaders. In
any event, the “functions and roles” that traditional leaders are allocated in terms of the 2003 Act are sufficiently extensive
that they may be seen to allocate “power” with the reference to lesser competence appearing to be a mere semantic device for
the sake of compromise. 相似文献
20.
Michael Delaney 《Society》2008,45(1):53-61
David Riesman, the Harvard sociologist, rose to eminence in the 1950s as one of America’s most influential “public intellectuals,”
gaining renown as principal author of the must-read sociological classic of the time, The Lonely Crowd. In that work, Riesman accounted for something of a sea-change in American life, marked by his famous distinction between
inner-directed and other-directed character-types, and in such a convincing fashion that the book became a watershed in post-war
America’s understanding of itself. Beyond that, Riesman continued to carry out urbane studies of a wide-ranging array of subjects,
all the while actively engaged in the major political–ideological–ethical controversies and torments of his time. As something
of a principled yet reasoned “Establishmentarian” contrarian, Riesman extended the work of such incisive social thinkers as
Tocqueville, Max Weber, Veblen, and George Orwell. In this personal appreciation, Michael Delaney charts his acquaintanceship
with Riesman, going back to the early 1960s (Riesman acted as a kind of mentor to Delaney at a distance; the two never met
in person and their association was carried on solely through letters spanning some three decades). The essay surveys Riesman’s
intellectual legacy as a self-conceived ethnographer of American life, and dwells on his “exceptionalism” as a generous, caring,
high-minded man of principle, discerning judgment, and exemplary character.
相似文献
Michael DelaneyEmail: |