Constructing the Market: Commercialization and Privatization in the Royal Mail

The public sector in the UK has become the object of constant reform and change as part of the government's project to increase the remit of the private sector and the role of markets. There is much debate about the effect such a move to market relations has on public services. There is increasing concern with the way market–based reforms are linked to a new pattern of organizational structure and strategy that negates and/or opposes the traditional political processes associated with the public sector. This article focuses on the case of the Royal Mail to explore how such a transformation is both complex and contested. It reveals how 'the market' within the public sector is to a large extent politically constructed, and that the public–private dichotomy over–simplifies what is a complex process of negotiating meaning, forming alliances, lobbying for support, handling conflict and exerting influence. It demonstrates how various readings of 'the market' emerge, and that any solutions of how to become more commercial can be the result of political machinations. The implications of this analysis go beyond Royal Mail and can be generalized across the public sector.     

The Urgency of a Cosmopolitan Ideal as Nationalism Surges

As the world shifts from American‐led Globalization 1.0 to 2.0—an interdependence of plural identities where no one country or group of nations is at the helm—a vacuum is forming. The intellectual hegemony of Western ideas of development and society no longer prevail, but new models are yet to be found. In the wake of this vacuum, we are witnessing, as Pankaj Mishra writes, worldwide “mutinies” against the old order along with a surge of nationalism and xenophobia that is looking to imagined organic unities of the past, as Elif Shafak writes. What fresh, non‐global ideologies might emerge? Or might a new hybrid cosmopolitan path that doesn't erase plural identities, but erases boundaries that close off instead of open up, create new opportunities for a peaceful and richer global civilization?     

The Fourth Revolution: Reinventing the State and Democracy for the 21st Century

Historically, liberal democracy was born as a means to curb the power of kings and tyrants through mechanisms that would ensure accountability and consent of the governed. A system of checks and balances—two legislative chambers, executive and independent courts—were instituted to ensure power did not become too concentrated. Today's highly diverse, mass consumer societies, however, have presented another set of challenges. Power is so diffused governance is becoming ineffective. The short‐term mentality of voters and the lobbying of special interests undermine the ability of democracies to focus on the long‐term and the common interest. Because there are more checks than balances, gridlock has supplanted consensus. In this section, we compare Chinese and Western systems on their ability to deliver good governance. The editors of the Economist magazine put the debate in historical context.     

Murder in the Family: The Menendez Brothers

Childhood sexual abuse is currently a problem of considerable concern. Research suggests victims experience both short-term and long-term effects due to the unresolved trauma of sexual abuse. Erik and Lyle Menendez were convicted of first-degree murder of their parents, Jose and Kitty Menendez. During the trial the defense presented an argument of alleged sexual abuse, stating that the brothers committed the murders in fear for their lives. The aim of this paper is to explore the Menendez trial in detail from sides of the defense and prosecution, and review the pertinent literature concerning the effects of childhood sexual abuse as they apply to the case. The matter of whether or not the abuse did in fact occur remains in question. The ethical issues of sexual abuse are examined where one must decide whether Erik and Lyle Menendez are responsible for their actions if the sexual abuse did occur.     

The Lost Legitimacy: Property,Business Power and the Constitution

After nearly a quarter of a century of business friendly government in Britain, the business community nevertheless finds itself more unpopular than for three decades and is increasingly beset by demands for regulation. The sources of its problems lie in the regulatory structures historically created for the business community. These structures have been unable to cope with regulation in the world of large‐scale privatization, global economic competition and the demands of democratic politics for public accountability. Business is therefore struggling to create new sources of legitimacy.     

The Lost Legitimacy: Property, Business Power and the Constitution

After nearly a quarter of a century of business friendly government in Britain, the business community nevertheless finds itself more unpopular than for three decades and is increasingly beset by demands for regulation. The sources of its problems lie in the regulatory structures historically created for the business community. These structures have been unable to cope with regulation in the world of large-scale privatization, global economic competition and the demands of democratic politics for public accountability. Business is therefore struggling to create new sources of legitimacy.     

The Macroeconomic Consequences of Democratic Transition: Learning Processes in the Third and Fourth Waves of Democratization

This study examines trends in macroeconomic conditions during democratic transition, focusing especially on how these trends changed between the third and fourth waves of democratization. We first develop hypotheses postulating that the macroeconomic consequences of democratic transition changed diachronically in the late 1980s and early 1990s because of learning processes. We then test these hypotheses using multiple interrupted time series analysis in a panel of democratizing countries. Our findings support the learning-process hypotheses. Like other recent studies, these findings raise doubts about the value of universalistic theories of democratization. *** DIRECT SUPPORT *** A25BB114 00003     

Building the Human Bomb: The Case of the 16 May 2003 Attacks in Casablanca

The terrorist attacks that took place on 16 May 2003 in Casablanca were a result of internal factors. These factors include the terrorists" view of their faith, poverty, and under-education. The links between the terrorists in Morocco and the Al Qaeda network, despite their ideological similarities, are not of a “command and control” nature. The relationship can be described as a franchise operation. The attacks resulted in the alienation of the population from movements attempting to use Islam in politics. Consequently, the attacks backfired on the Moroccan Islamist movement.     

The African Political Business Cycle: Varieties of Experience

We seek to understand both the incidence and the impact of the African political business cycle in the light of a literature which has argued that, with major extensions of democracy since the 1990s, the cycle has both become more intense and has made African political systems more fragile. With the help of country case studies, we argue, first, that the African political business cycle is not homogeneous, and occurs relatively infrequently in so-called ‘dominant-party systems’ where a pre-election stimulus confers little political advantage. Secondly, we show that, in those countries where a political cycle does occur, it does not necessarily cause institutional damage. Whether it does or not depends not so much on whether there is an electoral cycle as on whether this cycle calms or exacerbates fears of an unjust allocation of resources. In other words, the composition of the pre-election stimulus, in terms of its allocation between different categories of voter, is as important as its size.