WTO地理标志多边通报和注册体系谈判进展及评议

旨在改善全球贸易规则,进一步降低贸易壁垒的WTO多哈回合谈判于2001年11月启动。多哈回合是1995年WTO成立后的第一轮多边贸易谈判,也是多边贸易体制建立60多年来参加方最多、议题最广的一轮谈判,涉及农业、制造业、服务业、知识产权、贸易救济规则、发展等众多议题。多哈回合谈判首次将"发展"作为谈判主题,因此,又称为"多哈发展议程"。因谈判议题复杂,各谈判方(集     

多哈回合下的日落议题研究

对于频频被施以反倾销措施的我国,研究如何在世贸组织法律框架下及时终止反倾销税的征收意义重大,而日落议题即应运而生。WTO规则谈判中的《反倾销协定》日落议题是多哈回合中谈判各方激烈磋商的对象。本文首先介绍了反倾销措施日落问题的源起,进而对乌拉圭回合中的妥协加以阐述,然后对多哈回合谈判中各方立场进行说明,并在此基础上讨论我国的日落复审。     

WTO新一轮多边贸易谈判中的知识产权议题

通过艰苦的多边磋商,WTO多哈部长级会议于2001年11月14日最终发表了宣言,决定启动“千年回合”的多边贸易谈判,并安排了一个涉及内容广泛和平衡的谈判议题方案及相关的时间表。与贸易有关的知识产权议题,是新一轮多边贸易谈判中的重要组成部分。由于多哈会议又发表了“TRPIS协议与公众健康”的子宣言,新一轮多边贸易谈判中的知识产权议题由此更加引人瞩目。本文主要就新一轮多边贸易谈判中知识产权议题谈判的相关问题进行了分析,并在此基础上探讨了广大发展中国家所应采取的选择和策略。     

多哈发展议程中关于反倾销的若干问题

新一轮多边贸易谈判多哈发展议程的一个重要议题是规则谈判,反倾销规则是其中之一.第一阶段的谈判主要涉及到发展中国家的待遇问题、强制性规定问题、倾销确定、损害确定问题.一旦恢复谈判,发展中国家应当更好地协调各自之间的立场,以便能和发达国家进行真正对等的谈判,使多哈回合真正成为发展中国家的发展回合.     

WTO多哈回合谈判：按兵不动还是让步妥协？

2010年,长期陷入僵局的多哈回合谈判重新启动,2011年12月31日被设定为多哈回合谈判的最后期限,多哈回合长达十年的拉锯式谈判进入尾声。但是,尽管预设的尾声已近,曲调却并未渐趋舒缓,反倒愈发的激昂与跌宕。     

“世贸”真的重要吗？

2006年7月24日，世贸组织总干事宣布，多哈回合谈判无限期推迟，直到有关国家有意重新开启谈判。多哈回合始于2001年11月，世贸组织在卡塔尔的多哈开始新一轮谈判，旨在降低农产品补贴和关税壁垒以度服务市场的开放。理想主义者说，如果贸易能够真正自由，全球贸易可以增加50％。但近五年下来，成员国就是谈不拢。     

新一轮服务贸易谈判若干问题

服务贸易的市场准入及进一步的规则完善是世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判中的重要议题。GATS 规则谈判中的焦点问题包括国内监管纪律、紧急保障措施、服务的政府采购及补贴等。根据香港“部长会议宣言”及附件 C,新一轮服务谈判的发展将表现在谈判目标、方法、时限及关注发展中国家利益等各个方面。我国应积极参与这些谈判,在具体承诺和规则制定方面维护自己的利益。     

多哈回合与WTO反倾销协定中S&D待遇的落实

由于多哈回合奉“发展”为主题,同时,多哈部长会议的选址、多哈部长会议宣言中确有的一些支持发展中国家成员的内容(特别在知识产权和公众健康宣言中有更明确的表述)以及“执行决定”(Decision on Implementation)表现出的积极态度,令不少人相信该回合呈现出“发展中国家成员时代到来”的特征。毋庸讳言,这些前所未有的成果的取得,主要在于发展中国家成员的通力协作以及全球经济日益增长的相互依赖性。事实上,从1947年23个国家签署关贸总协定并开始贸易自由化以来,到经过8年称作“乌拉圭回合”的谈判而成立世贸组织,发展中国家一直呼吁给予他们一个公平的竞争环境。多哈部长会议的“亮     

创建亚太自由贸易区时机已到

美国和中国将成为“亚太自由贸易区”的天然领导者,可能通过这种区域框架,解决其双边贸易紧张局势多哈回合全球贸易谈判无限期搁置,给全球经济造成重大风险。因此,目前迫切需要实行“B计划”,以促使全球贸易政策重回正轨。该战略应有三个关键目标:促使多哈回合谈判恢复;如果     

“法庭之友”意见介入DSU机制的实践与法理评析

2006年7月24日，世贸组织总干事拉米在瑞士日内瓦主持贸易谈判委员会非正式会议。当天，世人瞩目的多哈回合六国部长级会议谈判再次破裂。继西雅图会议、坎昆会议失败之后，世界贸易组织不得不接受成立11年来部长级会议的第三次无果而终。然而，多哈回合所议的事项中，有很多都具有深入研究的价值，特别是对于我国进一步深化理解和把握WTO的游戏规则与实质有着重要的意义。     

WTO for Trade and Development Post-Doha

The WTO Members’ negotiations under the Doha mandate onspecial and differential treatment (‘SDT’) and developmentissues have made little progress. The gap between developedcountries and developing countries in this regard seems toowide to be bridged. This gap originates from a fundamental differencein their basic stances on cross-cutting issues. In principle,without prejudice to currently available SDT under individualWTO Agreements, developing countries should be given flexibilitiesin implementing WTO rules, which may result in the rebalancingof rights and obligations of WTO Members but only when policymeasures at issue can contribute to particular developing countries’development needs and no alternative less-trade restrictivemeasures are reasonably available. After reviewing WTO Members’discussions since the adoption of the Doha Ministerial Declaration,this article suggests a ‘measure-specific ex ante approach’for a workable solution to bridging the gap between developedcountries and developing countries on SDT and development issues.     

Smooth as Silk? A First Look at the Post MFA Textiles and Clothing Landscape

Despite the imposition of temporary safeguard measures on Chineseexports by both the United States and the European Union in2005, few countries other than China and India have increasedtheir clothing exports in markets where Multi-Fiber Arrangementquotas had been removed, e.g. the European Union, the UnitesStates, and Canada. This article argues that the eliminationof import quotas has exposed the vulnerability of fragmentedsupply chains and favoured countries able to display an integratedsupply chain, i.e. domestic production of high quality textileand clothing products. In terms of trade policy implications,the elimination of quotas has reduced the attractiveness ofoutward processing programmes and, conversely, increased theattractiveness of other preferential trade arrangements, suchas regional trade arrangements and the Generalized System ofPreferences. The July 2006 postponement of the Doha Round negotiationsrepresents a setback for WTO Members and, with respect to thetextile and clothing issues, widespread anxiety among supplyingcountries due to the competitive strength of China acts againsta package of significant tariff reduction applied on a most-favoured-nationbasis. To move the Doha negotiations forward, political willis required in agricultural negotiations, including a development-friendlyresolution of the problem of cotton subsidies.     

Higher education and the general [lack of] agreement on trade in services: from Doha to Hong Kong and beyond

What international framework, if any, is higher education subject to in terms of its work, not in the sense of validating its programmes or safeguarding its academic freedom, but in terms of its funding, its operating environment and its stakeholders? Is it viewed as a business in some sense? Is it subject to trade rules and negotiations? All of these questions have, to some extent, been raised in the World Trade Organisation's ‘Doha Round’ of negotiations. Has agreement been reached or has the overall operating context of economies submerged higher education, in particular agriculture? This article analyses the brief history of the Doha Round and the possible categorization of higher education within a commercial framework. Conclusions are reached at the end.     

WTO新的多边贸易谈判的矛盾及前景

在经济全球化及多边贸易体系的推动下，全球贸易自由化趋势不断加强，WTO新的多边贸易谈判已经启动，但是谈判面临许多难题，各方在许多议题上还存在较大的分歧，这些分歧反映了经济全球化与各国国家主权及民族利益的冲突以及由此导致的各种矛盾，展望谈判前景，虽然会有许多曲折和困难，但其意义是十分深远的，我国作为WTO的正式成员，将积极参与和推动新的多边贸易谈判，努力维护我国和整个发展中国家的利益。     

The Case for a Multilateral Agreement on Competition Policy: A Developing Country Perspective

Although the issue of trade and competition policy has beendropped from the Work Programmes of the Doha Round of WorldTrade Organization (WTO) negotiations, it continues to be discussedin other fora and may return to the WTO after the completionof the Round. This article assesses the case for an agreementfrom the perspective of developing countries. It begins by reviewingthe ‘development dimension’ of the WTO debate andthen examines three specific antitrust issues that were of considerablerelevance to developing countries but were not pursued: exportcartels, anti-dumping and intellectual property rights (IPRs).There follows a critical assessment of the empirical and theoreticalarguments for the kind of agreement that was being advocatedto deal with international cartels. Alternative proposals, involvingdeveloping countries ‘outsourcing’ antitrust enforcementto developed countries, are also sceptically examined, as isthe relevance for developing countries of the kind of competitionpolicy that is currently in place in developed countries. Finally,a general approach to international trade agreements suggeststhat developing countries had nothing to gain from the proposalthat was on the table, and the article concludes by proposinga range of more suitable alternatives.     

Four Lessons for Developing Countries from the Trade Negotiations Over Access to Medicines

After the Agreement on the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) came into operation in 1995 developing countries have found themselves in a process of continual negotiation over intellectual property rights and access to medicines. These negotiations have taken place in the World Trade Organization and in the context of free trade agreements. The paper suggests that the only real win for developing countries has been the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health in 2001. What have been the lessons for developing countries in a decade of negotiations over access to medicines? Drawing on themes of rule complexity and regulatory ritualism the paper discusses four key lessons for developing countries. It concludes by arguing that developing countries will do better if they adopt a networked governance approach to negotiation rather than continuing to rely on traditional coalition formation.     

REFLECTIONS ON EU INTERNATIONAL TRADE LAW: AN INTROSPECTIVE VIEW

This article presents three main arguments: First, shared competence exists between the national and supranational levels within the European Union (EU) because EU Member States do not trust the European Commission in the external relations law of the EU. Second, the EU will have greater bargaining power in international negotiations if it speaks in a single voice. Within the EU-27, we have compatible values, overlapping interests, shared goals, as well as economic, social and political ties. Therefore, there is a presumption of collective action in the EU’s external relations. However, EU Member States disagree on many issues before they start negotiations, while trying to define a mission together as partners of the European project. Third, Member States confer specific negotiating powers on the EU only when it is in their own national interest to have a common European position on international negotiations.     

King Cotton, Developing Countries and the 'Peace Clause': The WTO's US Cotton Subsidies Decision

Although the World Trade Organization (WTO) is a powerful vehiclefor promoting economic development, the Uruguay Round has beenperceived by developing country WTO members as an unequal bargain.Especially with respect to agriculture, the Uruguay Round yieldedonly limited concessions. In September 2003, Doha Round effortsstalled at Cancún when developing countries coalescedto oppose a proposal that insufficiently liberalized trade inagriculture. In March 2005, the Dispute Settlement Body adopteda panel decision upholding Brazil’s legal challenge ofUS subsidies to cotton producers. The US Cotton Subsidies decisionrepresents a dramatic victory for Brazil and other developingcountry WTO members. The timing of the decision, coincidingwith ongoing Doha Round agriculture negotiations, ensures thatit will influence any outcome of the Round. This article examinesthe US Cotton Subsidies decision, describes the subsidy programsat issue in the dispute, reviews applicable WTO rules, and outlinesthe major findings of the panel and Appellate Body. The articleconcludes that Brazil’s victory in US Cotton Subsidiesmay represent a broader shift within the WTO away from a systemdominated by the US and EC toward a system that increasinglyis influenced by emerging market economies.     

略论中国在WTO争端解决机制中的角色转换

虽然目前多哈回合谈判进程严重受挫,但这并不意味着与争端解决机制的重要性将逐渐降低,只要WTO继续存在,其争端解决机制仍必将继续在整个WTO多边贸易体制中占据至关重要的地位。中国已于2006年12月11日迎来了入世五周年,因而非常有必要从各个方面加以回顾、总结和展望。但这五年来,中国未能在争端解决机制中扮演重要的角色。本文对有关现状及未来在该争端解决机制中实现角色转换的相关问题加以分析和探讨,并提出相应的建议。